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Baltimore neighborhood’s gentrification sparks tension

Trans advocates, community association at odds over gas station’s hours

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Baltimore Eagle, gay news, Washington Blade

The Baltimore Eagle is across the street from a gas station that has requested a permit that would allow it to operate from midnight – 5 a.m. The owners of the Baltimore Eagle are among those who oppose the permit request. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

BALTIMORE ā€” Red Emmaā€™s Bookstore and Coffeehouse is located on the corner of West North and Baltimore Avenues north of Baltimoreā€™s Penn Station.

The bookstore and coffeehouse, which is named after Emma Goldman, a Lithuanian anarchist and political organizer who emigrated to the U.S. in 1885, on its website describes itself as a ā€œworker cooperative behind the restaurant, coffee roaster, bookstore and community events space.ā€ Red Emmaā€™s has also become an institution of sorts in an increasingly gentrified neighborhood.

ā€œThis areaā€™s historically a black area and new space is opening up with a lot of money and a lot of queerness, a lot of LGBT going on, a lot of kinkiness, which is great,ā€ Baltimore Transgender Alliance Executive Director Ava Pipitone, who is one of Red Emmaā€™s employee owners, told the Washington Blade on Aug. 10 during an interview at Red Emmaā€™s. ā€œBut itā€™s a white-facing project and an upper-class facing project.ā€

Red Emmaā€™s is less than two blocks from the Baltimore Eagle, which reopened on the corner of North Charles and West 21st streets in January.

American Fuel, a gas station across the street from the Baltimore Eagle, has applied for a Late-Night Commercial Operations permit from the city that would allow it to sell food and cigarettes between midnight and 5 a.m. The Baltimore Eagleā€™s owners and the Charles North Community Association oppose the application.

Alan Mlinarchik, president of the Charles North Community Association, in an email to the Blade noted American Gas began to operate after midnight in 2012. He said prostitution, drug dealing and other ā€œillicit activityā€ at the gas station ā€œdeclined significantlyā€ when the city halted the gas stationā€™s late-night operations.

Mlinarchik told the Blade that ā€œlate night operationsā€ resumed at the gas station last fall.

ā€œResidents closest to the intersection complained of regular incidents of people exposing themselves, running into and blocking traffic, verbal abuse and threats, sex acts being performed in backyards, and urination and defecation on porches, sidewalks, and on parking pads behind homes and businesses,ā€ he said.Ā ā€œDrug dealing from vehicles on the American Fuel lot has been reported repeatedly, and aggression associated with that drug dealing became a serious problem.Ā Residents, property owners and patrons of localĀ businesses avoided that intersectionĀ at night.ā€

Chuck King, co-owner of the Baltimore Eagle, echoed Mlinarchikā€™s concerns.

ā€œWe have observed a whole lot of violence, drug dealing,ā€ King told the Blade on Tuesday during a telephone interview.

King said Baltimore Eagle patrons have been harassed after they have left his bar. He also told the Blade he has seen people running to the cars from inside the gas station.

ā€œWe think it has to do with a drug deal gone bad,ā€ said King.

Advocates: Gas station ā€˜safe spaceā€™ after dark

Charles North is among the Baltimore neighborhoods in which sex workers frequently operate. Several of them who work in the area are trans women of color.

Alphonza Watson was shot to death on the 2400 block of Guilford Avenue in March. A motorist shot a trans woman with a BB gun in front of the Baltimore Eagle on July 21.

There is no indication that Watson or the trans woman who was attacked in front of the Baltimore Eagle were engaged in sex work when they were shot.

Advocates feel opponents of the gas stationā€™s license application have made sex workers scapegoats. Pipitone specifically described members of the Charles North Community Association who have complained about public defecation, loitering and public indecency in the neighborhood as ā€œold guard people, old time people.ā€

ā€œWhen I hear those things, I donā€™t know a single person who lives outside or is homeless or unstably housed doesnā€™t know how to poop in a plastic bag,ā€ she told the Blade. ā€œThe people pooping in the back alley quite frankly are the people coming out of the club who donā€™t want to wait in line for the bathroom.ā€

ā€œPeople who leave condoms in the back alley are not leaving condoms in their workplace,ā€ added Pipitone. ā€œThatā€™s again people who donā€™t want to do it in the club, canā€™t wait until they get home.ā€

Brian Gaither, a local LGBT activist, told the Blade on Aug. 10 during an interview at Red Emmaā€™s that sex workers operate in north Baltimore because ā€œthereā€™s enough automobile traffic and enough residences around that the people who are on the streets feel if they were to cry out, if theyā€™re in real danger that somebody would call the police.ā€ He also suggested the gas station, which has large flood lights, provides a sense of safety to them and others who live and work in the area.

ā€œ[You see] fellowship on the sidewalks after dark,ā€ Pipitone told the Blade, referring to Baltimoreā€™s so-called Black Butterfly that encompasses the cityā€™s historically black neighborhoods. ā€œYou see people with pools and grills on the sidewalk because we reclaim public space and use it for fellowship.ā€

ā€œThat is what happened at the only lighted corner of 21st and Charles Street,ā€ she added. ā€œThere was outside fellowship. Just because those bodies were black and/or trans and queer, there is no correlation to criminalization. Unfortunately there was, and there should not be.ā€

Pipitone further pointed out to the Blade it ā€œwasnā€™t that long ago that cisgender white gay men were tricking on the street corner.ā€ She and Robin of the Sex Workers Outreach Project Baltimore both noted it is some of these same men who are now criticizing trans sex workers within the context of the gas station.

ā€œThese generations of white gay men that weā€™re talking about coming out of the AIDS crisis are gaining more capital and buying their own homes, which is wonderful and magical for lots of reasons,ā€ Robin told the Blade. ā€œTheyā€™re also shifting an idea of what the power that they have in the community to say this is what I want to see, this is what I donā€™t want to see, I want my neighborhood to look a certain way, I donā€™t want to have to deal with mostly seeing sex work in their front yards.ā€

Ava Pipitone, gay news, Washington Blade

Baltimore Transgender Alliance Executive Director Ava Pipitone at Red Emma’s Bookstore and Coffeehouse in Baltimore’s Charles North neighborhood. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

King said he does not see the gas station as a ā€œsafe spaceā€ for trans sex workers.

ā€œFrom our perspective, itā€™s not really a safe space,ā€ he told the Blade. ā€œItā€™s really sad the transgender community sees that violent space as a safe space.ā€

Permit opponent criticizes ā€˜tranny prostitutesā€™

Some of these tensions have manifested themselves into blatant transphobia.

John Yelcick, who loaned money to King and other Baltimore Eagle co-owners, in a Facebook exchange with Gaither noted ā€œtranny prostitutesā€ and ā€œquestionable clienteleā€ at the gas station. Members of the Charles North and the Old Goucher Community Associations who oppose the late-night operation permit have also made transphobic comments in public forums.

ā€œWe condemn them,ā€ King told the Blade, referring to Yelcickā€™s anti-trans comments. ā€œWe tried to explain to him why that language was so offensive.ā€

Mlinarchik said Yelcick, who is a previous voting member of the Charles North Community Associationā€™s board of directors until his removal, ā€œdoes not and did not speak for theā€ group. Old Goucher Community Association President Kelly Cross, who supports the gas stationā€™s permit, told the Blade trans women of color are ā€œbeing singled out, whether theyā€™re sex workers or not.ā€

ā€œWe happen to have a pretty significant population of trans women of color in this neighborhood,ā€ Cross told the Blade on Aug. 10 during an interview near the gas station.

Mlinarchik and King insist sex workers are not behind their objection to the gas station remaining open after midnight.

ā€œThe problem at 21st and Charles Streets isnā€™t sex work,ā€ Mlinarchik told the Blade. ā€œIt is the behavior of some of the people involved in the illicit activities that disrupt residentsā€™ sense of safety and quality of life.ā€

Pipitone said she has proposed the creation of public charging stations and restrooms to the Charles North and Old Goucher Community Associations as a way to address their membersā€™ complaints about sex workers in the neighborhood. Robin also talked about increasing the number of garbage cans in the area.

They, GG and Pipitone all said these solutions would not involve the police.

ā€œWhen youā€™re calling the cops on someone you think is doing sex work, youā€™re writing them a death sentence,ā€ Robin told the Blade. ā€œYou canā€™t separate those things and so the answers are not to further police.ā€

Kelly Cross, gay news, Washington Blade

Old Goucher Community Association President Kelly Cross near his home in Baltimore’s North Charles neighborhood. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

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Honoring the legacy of New Orleansā€™ 1973 UpStairs Lounge fire

Why the arson attack that killed 32 gay men still resonates 50 years later

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Fifty years ago this week, 32 gay men were killed in an arson attack on the UpStairs Lounge in New Orleans. (Photo by G.E. Arnold/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

On June 23 of last year, I held the microphone as a gay man in the New Orleans City Council Chamber and related a lost piece of queer history to the seven council members. I told this story to disabuse all New Orleanians of the notion that silence and accommodation, in the face of institutional and official failures, are a path to healing.  

The story I related to them began on a typical Sunday night at a second-story bar on the fringe of New Orleansā€™ French Quarter in 1973, where working-class men would gather around a white baby grand piano and belt out the lyrics to a song that was the anthem of their hidden community, ā€œUnited We Standā€ by the Brotherhood of Man. 

ā€œUnited we stand,ā€ the men would sing together, ā€œdivided we fallā€ ā€” the words epitomizing the ethos of their beloved UpStairs Lounge bar, an egalitarian free space that served as a forerunner to todayā€™s queer safe havens. 

Around that piano in the 1970s Deep South, gays and lesbians, white and Black queens, Christians and non-Christians, and even early gender minorities could cast aside the racism, sexism, and homophobia of the times to find acceptance and companionship for a moment. 

For regulars, the UpStairs Lounge was a miracle, a small pocket of acceptance in a broader world where their very identities were illegal. 

On the Sunday night of June 24, 1973, their voices were silenced in a murderous act of arson that claimed 32 lives and still stands as the deadliest fire in New Orleans history ā€” and the worst mass killing of gays in 20th century America. 

As 13 fire companies struggled to douse the inferno, police refused to question the chief suspect, even though gay witnesses identified and brought the soot-covered man to officers idly standing by. This suspect, an internally conflicted gay-for-pay sex worker named Rodger Dale Nunez, had been ejected from the UpStairs Lounge screaming the word “burn” minutes before, but New Orleans police rebuffed the testimony of fire survivors on the street and allowed Nunez to disappear.

As the fire raged, police denigrated the deceased to reporters on the street: ā€œSome thieves hung out there, and you know this was a queer bar.ā€ 

For days afterward, the carnage met with official silence. With no local gay political leaders willing to step forward, national Gay Liberation-era figures like Rev. Troy Perry of the Metropolitan Community Church flew in to ā€œhelp our bereaved brothers and sistersā€ ā€” and shatter officialdomā€™s code of silence. 

Perry broke local taboos by holding a press conference as an openly gay man. ā€œItā€™s high time that you people, in New Orleans, Louisiana, got the message and joined the rest of the Union,ā€ Perry said. 

Two days later, on June 26, 1973, as families hesitated to step forward to identify their kin in the morgue, UpStairs Lounge owner Phil Esteve stood in his badly charred bar, the air still foul with death. He rebuffed attempts by Perry to turn the fire into a call for visibility and progress for homosexuals. 

ā€œThis fire had very little to do with the gay movement or with anything gay,ā€ Esteve told a reporter from The Philadelphia Inquirer. ā€œI do not want my bar or this tragedy to be used to further any of their causes.ā€ 

Conspicuously, no photos of Esteve appeared in coverage of the UpStairs Lounge fire or its aftermath ā€” and the bar owner also remained silent as he witnessed police looting the ashes of his business. 

ā€œPhil said the cash register, juke box, cigarette machine and some wallets had money removed,ā€ recounted Esteveā€™s friend Bob McAnear, a former U.S. Customs officer. ā€œPhil wouldnā€™t report it because, if he did, police would never allow him to operate a bar in New Orleans again.ā€ 

The next day, gay bar owners, incensed at declining gay bar traffic amid an atmosphere of anxiety, confronted Perry at a clandestine meeting. ā€œHow dare you hold your damn news conferences!ā€ one business owner shouted. 

Ignoring calls for gay self-censorship, Perry held a 250-person memorial for the fire victims the following Sunday, July 1, culminating in mourners defiantly marching out the front door of a French Quarter church into waiting news cameras. ā€œReverend Troy Perry awoke several sleeping giants, me being one of them,ā€ recalled Charlene Schneider, a lesbian activist who walked out of that front door with Perry.

(Photo by G.E. Arnold/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

Esteve doubted the UpStairs Lounge storyā€™s capacity to rouse gay political fervor. As the coroner buried four of his former patrons anonymously on the edge of town, Esteve quietly collected at least $25,000 in fire insurance proceeds. Less than a year later, he used the money to open another gay bar called the Post Office, where patrons of the UpStairs Lounge ā€” some with visible burn scars ā€” gathered but were discouraged from singing ā€œUnited We Stand.ā€ 

New Orleans cops neglected to question the chief arson suspect and closed the investigation without answers in late August 1973. Gay elites in the cityā€™s power structure began gaslighting the mourners who marched with Perry into the news cameras, casting suspicion on their memories and re-characterizing their moment of liberation as a stunt. 

When a local gay journalist asked in April 1977, ā€œWhere are the gay activists in New Orleans?,ā€ Esteve responded that there were none, because none were needed. ā€œWe donā€™t feel weā€™re discriminated against,ā€ Esteve said. ā€œNew Orleans gays are different from gays anywhere elseā€¦ Perhaps there is some correlation between the amount of gay activism in other cities and the degree of police harassment.ā€ 

(Photo by H.J. Patterson/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

An attitude of nihilism and disavowal descended upon the memory of the UpStairs Lounge victims, goaded by Esteve and fellow gay entrepreneurs who earned their keep via gay patrons drowning their sorrows each night instead of protesting the injustices that kept them drinking. 

Into the 1980s, the story of the UpStairs Lounge all but vanished from conversation ā€” with the exception of a few sanctuaries for gay political debate such as the local lesbian bar Charleneā€™s, run by the activist Charlene Schneider. 

By 1988, the 15th anniversary of the fire, the UpStairs Lounge narrative comprised little more than a call for better fire codes and indoor sprinklers. UpStairs Lounge survivor Stewart Butler summed it up: ā€œA tragedy that, as far as I know, no good came of.ā€ 

Finally, in 1991, at Stewart Butler and Charlene Schneiderā€™s nudging, the UpStairs Lounge story became aligned with the crusade of liberated gays and lesbians seeking equal rights in Louisiana. The halls of power responded with intermittent progress. The New Orleans City Council, horrified by the story but not yet ready to take its look in the mirror, enacted an anti-discrimination ordinance protecting gays and lesbians in housing, employment, and public accommodations that Dec. 12 ā€” more than 18 years after the fire. 

ā€œI believe the fire was the catalyst for the anger to bring us all to the table,ā€ Schneider told The Times-Picayune, a tacit rebuke to Esteveā€™s strategy of silent accommodation. Even Esteve seemed to change his stance with time, granting a full interview with the first UpStairs Lounge scholar Johnny Townsend sometime around 1989. 

Most of the figures in this historic tale are now deceased. Whatā€™s left is an enduring story that refused to go gently. The story now echoes around the world ā€” a musical about the UpStairs Lounge fire recently played in Tokyo, translating the gay underworld of the 1973 French Quarter for Japanese audiences.

When I finished my presentation to the City Council last June, I looked up to see the seven council members in tears. Unanimously, they approved a resolution acknowledging the historic failures of city leaders in the wake of the UpStairs Lounge fire. 

Council members personally apologized to UpStairs Lounge families and survivors seated in the chamber in a symbolic act that, though it could not bring back those who died, still mattered greatly to those whose pain had been denied, leaving them to grieve alone. At long last, official silence and indifference gave way to heartfelt words of healing. 

The way Americans remember the past is an active, ongoing process. Our collective memory is malleable, but it matters because it speaks volumes about our maturity as a people, how we acknowledge the pastā€™s influence in our lives, and how it shapes the examples we set for our youth. Do we grapple with difficult truths, or do we duck accountability by defaulting to nostalgia and bluster? Or worse, do we simply ignore the past until it fades into a black hole of ignorance and indifference? 

I believe that a factual retelling of the UpStairs Lounge tragedy ā€” and how, 50 years onward, it became known internationally ā€” resonates beyond our current divides. It reminds queer and non-queer Americans that ignoring the past holds back the present, and that silence is no cure for what ails a participatory nation. 

Silence isolates. Silence gaslights and shrouds. It preserves the power structures that scapegoat the disempowered. 

Solidarity, on the other hand, unites. Solidarity illuminates a path forward together. Above all, solidarity transforms the downtrodden into a resounding chorus of citizens ā€” in the spirit of voices who once gathered ā€˜round a white baby grand piano and sang, joyfully and loudly, ā€œUnited We Stand.ā€ 

(Photo by Philip Ames/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

Robert W. Fieseler is a New Orleans-based journalist and the author of ā€œTinderbox: the Untold Story of the Up Stairs Lounge Fire and the Rise of Gay Liberation.ā€

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New Supreme Court term includes critical LGBTQ case with ‘terrifying’ consequences

Business owner seeks to decline services for same-sex weddings

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The U.S. Supreme Court is to set consider the case of 303 Creative, which seeks to refuse design services for same-sex weddings. (Blade file photo by Michael Key)

The U.S. Supreme Court, after a decision overturning Roe v. Wade that still leaves many reeling, is starting a new term with justices slated to revisit the issue of LGBTQ rights.

In 303 Creative v. Elenis, the court will return to the issue of whether or not providers of custom-made goods can refuse service to LGBTQ customers on First Amendment grounds. In this case, the business owner is Lorie Smith, a website designer in Colorado who wants to opt out of providing her graphic design services for same-sex weddings despite the civil rights law in her state.

Jennifer Pizer, acting chief legal officer of Lambda Legal, said in an interview with the Blade, “it’s not too much to say an immeasurably huge amount is at stake” for LGBTQ people depending on the outcome of the case.

“This contrived idea that making custom goods, or offering a custom service, somehow tacitly conveys an endorsement of the person ā€” if that were to be accepted, that would be a profound change in the law,” Pizer said. “And the stakes are very high because there are no practical, obvious, principled ways to limit that kind of an exception, and if the law isn’t clear in this regard, then the people who are at risk of experiencing discrimination have no security, no effective protection by having a non-discrimination laws, because at any moment, as one makes their way through the commercial marketplace, you don’t know whether a particular business person is going to refuse to serve you.”

The upcoming arguments and decision in the 303 Creative case mark a return to LGBTQ rights for the Supreme Court, which had no lawsuit to directly address the issue in its previous term, although many argued the Dobbs decision put LGBTQ rights in peril and threatened access to abortion for LGBTQ people.

And yet, the 303 Creative case is similar to other cases the Supreme Court has previously heard on the providers of services seeking the right to deny services based on First Amendment grounds, such as Masterpiece Cakeshop and Fulton v. City of Philadelphia. In both of those cases, however, the court issued narrow rulings on the facts of litigation, declining to issue sweeping rulings either upholding non-discrimination principles or First Amendment exemptions.

Pizer, who signed one of the friend-of-the-court briefs in opposition to 303 Creative, said the case is “similar in the goals” of the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation on the basis they both seek exemptions to the same non-discrimination law that governs their business, the Colorado Anti-Discrimination Act, or CADA, and seek “to further the social and political argument that they should be free to refuse same-sex couples or LGBTQ people in particular.”

“So there’s the legal goal, and it connects to the social and political goals and in that sense, it’s the same as Masterpiece,” Pizer said. “And so there are multiple problems with it again, as a legal matter, but also as a social matter, because as with the religion argument, it flows from the idea that having something to do with us is endorsing us.”

One difference: the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation stemmed from an act of refusal of service after owner, Jack Phillips, declined to make a custom-made wedding cake for a same-sex couple for their upcoming wedding. No act of discrimination in the past, however, is present in the 303 Creative case. The owner seeks to put on her website a disclaimer she won’t provide services for same-sex weddings, signaling an intent to discriminate against same-sex couples rather than having done so.

As such, expect issues of standing ā€” whether or not either party is personally aggrieved and able bring to a lawsuit ā€” to be hashed out in arguments as well as whether the litigation is ripe for review as justices consider the case. It’s not hard to see U.S. Chief Justice John Roberts, who has sought to lead the court to reach less sweeping decisions (sometimes successfully, and sometimes in the Dobbs case not successfully) to push for a decision along these lines.

Another key difference: The 303 Creative case hinges on the argument of freedom of speech as opposed to the two-fold argument of freedom of speech and freedom of religious exercise in the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation. Although 303 Creative requested in its petition to the Supreme Court review of both issues of speech and religion, justices elected only to take up the issue of free speech in granting a writ of certiorari (or agreement to take up a case). Justices also declined to accept another question in the petition request of review of the 1990 precedent in Smith v. Employment Division, which concluded states can enforce neutral generally applicable laws on citizens with religious objections without violating the First Amendment.

Representing 303 Creative in the lawsuit is Alliance Defending Freedom, a law firm that has sought to undermine civil rights laws for LGBTQ people with litigation seeking exemptions based on the First Amendment, such as the Masterpiece Cakeshop case.

Kristen Waggoner, president of Alliance Defending Freedom, wrote in a Sept. 12 legal brief signed by her and other attorneys that a decision in favor of 303 Creative boils down to a clear-cut violation of the First Amendment.

“Colorado and the United States still contend that CADA only regulates sales transactions,” the brief says. “But their cases do not apply because they involve non-expressive activities: selling BBQ, firing employees, restricting school attendance, limiting club memberships, and providing room access. Coloradoā€™s own cases agree that the government may not use public-accommodation laws to affect a commercial actorā€™s speech.”

Pizer, however, pushed back strongly on the idea a decision in favor of 303 Creative would be as focused as Alliance Defending Freedom purports it would be, arguing it could open the door to widespread discrimination against LGBTQ people.

“One way to put it is art tends to be in the eye of the beholder,” Pizer said. “Is something of a craft, or is it art? I feel like I’m channeling Lily Tomlin. Remember ‘soup and art’? We have had an understanding that whether something is beautiful or not is not the determining factor about whether something is protected as artistic expression. There’s a legal test that recognizes if this is speech, whose speech is it, whose message is it? Would anyone who was hearing the speech or seeing the message understand it to be the message of the customer or of the merchants or craftsmen or business person?”

Despite the implications in the case for LGBTQ rights, 303 Creative may have supporters among LGBTQ people who consider themselves proponents of free speech.

One joint friend-of-the-court brief before the Supreme Court, written by Dale Carpenter, a law professor at Southern Methodist University who’s written in favor of LGBTQ rights, and Eugene Volokh, a First Amendment legal scholar at the University of California, Los Angeles, argues the case is an opportunity to affirm the First Amendment applies to goods and services that are uniquely expressive.

“Distinguishing expressive from non-expressive products in some contexts might be hard, but the Tenth Circuit agreed that Smithā€™s product does not present a hard case,” the brief says. “Yet that court (and Colorado) declined to recognize any exemption for products constituting speech. The Tenth Circuit has effectively recognized a state interest in subjecting the creation of speech itself to antidiscrimination laws.”

Oral arguments in the case aren’t yet set, but may be announced soon. Set to defend the state of Colorado and enforcement of its non-discrimination law in the case is Colorado Solicitor General Eric Reuel Olson. Just this week, the U.S. Supreme Court announced it would grant the request to the U.S. solicitor general to present arguments before the justices on behalf of the Biden administration.

With a 6-3 conservative majority on the court that has recently scrapped the super-precedent guaranteeing the right to abortion, supporters of LGBTQ rights may think the outcome of the case is all but lost, especially amid widespread fears same-sex marriage would be next on the chopping block. After the U.S. Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against 303 Creative in the lawsuit, the simple action by the Supreme Court to grant review in the lawsuit suggests they are primed to issue a reversal and rule in favor of the company.

Pizer, acknowledging the call to action issued by LGBTQ groups in the aftermath of the Dobbs decision, conceded the current Supreme Court issuing the ruling in this case is “a terrifying prospect,” but cautioned the issue isn’t so much the makeup of the court but whether or not justices will continue down the path of abolishing case law.

“I think the question that we’re facing with respect to all of the cases or at least many of the cases that are in front of the court right now, is whether this court is going to continue on this radical sort of wrecking ball to the edifice of settled law and seemingly a goal of setting up whole new structures of what our basic legal principles are going to be. Are we going to have another term of that?” Pizer said. “And if so, that’s terrifying.”

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Kelley Robinson, a Black, queer woman, named president of Human Rights Campaign

Progressive activist a veteran of Planned Parenthood Action Fund

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Kelley Robinson (Screen capture via HRC YouTube)

Kelley Robinson, a Black, queer woman and veteran of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, is to become the next president of the Human Rights Campaign, the nation’s leading LGBTQ group announced on Tuesday.

Robinson is set to become the ninth president of the Human Rights Campaign after having served as executive director of Planned Parenthood Action Fund and more than 12 years of experience as a leader in the progressive movement. She’ll be the first Black, queer woman to serve in that role.

ā€œIā€™m honored and ready to lead HRC ā€” and our more than three million member-advocates ā€” as we continue working to achieve equality and liberation for all Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer people,ā€ Robinson said. ā€œThis is a pivotal moment in our movement for equality for LGBTQ+ people. We, particularly our trans and BIPOC communities, are quite literally in the fight for our lives and facing unprecedented threats that seek to destroy us.”

Kelley Robinson IS NAMED as The next human rights Campaign president

The next Human Rights Campaign president is named as Democrats are performing well in polls in the mid-term elections after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, leaving an opening for the LGBTQ group to play a key role amid fears LGBTQ rights are next on the chopping block.

“The overturning of Roe v. Wade reminds us we are just one Supreme Court decision away from losing fundamental freedoms including the freedom to marry, voting rights, and privacy,” Robinson said. “We are facing a generational opportunity to rise to these challenges and create real, sustainable change. I believe that working together this change is possible right now. This next chapter of the Human Rights Campaign is about getting to freedom and liberation without any exceptions ā€” and today I am making a promise and commitment to carry this work forward.ā€

The Human Rights Campaign announces its next president after a nearly year-long search process after the board of directors terminated its former president Alphonso David when he was ensnared in the sexual misconduct scandal that led former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo to resign. David has denied wrongdoing and filed a lawsuit against the LGBTQ group alleging racial discrimination.

Kelley Robinson, Planned Parenthood, Cathy Chu, SMYAL, Supporting and Mentoring Youth Advocates and Leaders, Amy Nelson, Whitman-Walker Health, Sheroes of the Movement, Mayor's office of GLBT Affairs, gay news, Washington Blade
Kelley Robinson, seen here with Cathy Chu of SMYAL and Amy Nelson of Whitman-Walker Health, is the next Human Rights Campaign president. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)
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