District of Columbia
Recall efforts targeting two D.C. Council members fail
Activists disagree over extent of support for plan targeting Allen, Nadeau
The D.C. Board of Elections confirmed this week that the campaign to recall D.C. Council member Charles Allen (D-Ward 6) failed to obtain the required 6,427 petition signatures needed to place the Allen recall on the November election ballot in time for an Aug. 12 deadline.
And the chairperson of the campaign to recall Council member Brianne Nadeau (D-Ward 1), Diana Alvarez, told the Washington Blade on Tuesday in a telephone interview that she and her campaign team do not believe they will be able to collect the required number of 5,448 petition signatures in time for their Oct. 1 deadline.
“We unfortunately have not collected the number of signatures we hoped for, and at this point I don’t think we will be able to collect all of them,” she said. “So, it’s been a challenge, you know, especially with everyone having their own personal lives going on. Many of us are small business owners.”
Under the D.C. election law, organizers of recall campaigns are given 180 days from the time they officially file papers for the recall to obtain the required number of signatures.
News that the effort to recall Allen had failed and that the effort to recall Nadeau was on its way to failing drew attention to a sharp disagreement among LGBTQ activists over the extent of support for or opposition to the two recall campaigns within the D.C. LGBTQ community.
Many of the city’s LGBTQ Democratic Party activists, led by the Capital Stonewall Democrats, the city’s largest local LGBTQ political group, have argued that the LGBTQ community overwhelmingly opposed the two recall campaigns in part on grounds that Allen and Nadeau have been longtime strong supporters of the LGBTQ community and have championed LGBTQ supportive legislation before the D.C. Council.
But LGBTQ community supporters of the recall campaigns, including Ward 1 gay Democratic activist and Advisory Neighborhood Commissioner Jamie Sycamore, have argued that the “rank-and-file” members of the LGBTQ community support the recall efforts for the same reason as their straight counterparts. Sycamore and other LGBTQ recall backers say they blame Nadeau and Allen for the alarming rise in violent crime in the city in 2023 due to their support for policies to defund the police department and put in place lenient sentencing rules for those convicted of committing violent crimes, including carjackings and armed robberies.
Sycamore said he officially withdrew as a member of the Nadeau recall campaign in June after becoming convinced that the other leaders of the campaign failed to do the “legwork” needed to gather the required number of petition signatures. But he told the Blade this week that he still supports the recall of Nadeau and Allen on grounds that their actions on the Council have led to a public safety crisis in the city that impacts LGBTQ residents as well as everyone else.
David Perruzza, owner of the Adams Morgan gay bar Pitchers and its attached lesbian bar League Her Own, said he too supports the recall of Nadeau because of what he calls her “refusal” to properly address crime in Ward 1 where his bars are located.
“I think every LGBT person I know is supporting it,” he said of the Nadeau recall campaign. “The crime is terrible and people aren’t going out as much because of the crime,” which he said is hurting businesses in Ward 1, including nightlife businesses like his.
Michael Haresign, president of the Capital Stonewall Democrats, disputes Sycamore’s argument, saying he believes the large majority of LGBTQ D.C. residents agree with Nadeau and Allen and their supporters that the two lawmakers should not be blamed for the rise in crime. Both Allen and Nadeau have argued that public safety is their highest priority, and they have pushed for legislation to curtail crime by, among other things, addressing the root cause of crime such as mental health issues and substance abuse to prevent crime before it happens.
Haresign points out that Capital Stonewall Democrats urged its members and others in the LGBTQ community not to sign the petitions being circulated for the two recall campaigns. He noted the organization endorsed Allen and Nadeau in their most recent primary election campaigns in 2022 because of their strong support for the LGBTQ community.
He also points out that he believes members of the LGBTQ community, like their straight allies, think a recall effort is appropriate for ethical violations by elected officials such as violating a law but is not appropriate for a disagreement over public policy issues.
In noting that the recall efforts have failed, Haresign added, “I think it shows there really wasn’t that much of a push for any recall efforts from the community. It was sort of a few people with bones to pick with the Council members who were pushing these recalls forward. But the community at large wasn’t really lining up to sign the petitions.”
Among those who disagree with Haresign is Andrew Minik, president of the D.C. chapter of the national LGBTQ GOP group Log Cabin Republicans.
“I absolutely support both of the recall efforts,” Minik told the Blade at the start of the recall campaigns in March. “In our D.C. Chapter of Log Cabin, we have members in all eight wards of D.C.,” he said. “You do not need to go very far to ask any of our members if he or she has been a victim of crime themselves or just knowing someone who has,” according to Minik. “People like Charles Allen and Brianne Nadeau are uniquely responsible for the conditions that have allowed crime to spiral out of control here.”
D.C. gay Democratic activists John Klenert of Ward 2 and David Meadows of Ward 8 said many in the LGBTQ community have joined or given financial support to the official Allen and Nadeau campaigns opposing the recall efforts.
“I oppose these recall efforts,” Meadows said. “The recall people raise some good issues, but you have to weigh the good over the bad,” he said, adding that Allen’s and Nadeau’s positive actions far outweigh the crime-related allegations made by supporters of the recalls, which Allen and Nadeau have said are mostly mischaracterizations of their actual positions and actions.
On Aug. 12, the day the Board of Elections announced the Allen recall campaign had failed to obtain the required number of petition signatures from registered voters in Ward 6, the campaign announced that although it obtained 5,500 signatures instead of the required number of 6,427, it was asking the election board to place the recall measure on the ballot anyway.
In a statement, the campaign said the reason it wasn’t able to obtain the needed signatures was because the Board of Elections violated a D.C. law that requires the board to provide a mobile app to help gather signatures in addition to gathering signatures on paper petitions. Board of Elections Executive Director Monica Holman Evans said the mobile petition app was discontinued in 2022 when a third-party vendor stopped providing it, according to a report by the Washington Post
But Evans told the Post that use of the app would not have made a difference in the Allen recall campaign’s ability to gather signatures because petition circulators would have had to approach each potential signer of the petition while holding an iPad instead of a paper petition, with the two taking the same amount of time.
District of Columbia
D.C. pays $500,000 to settle lawsuit brought by gay Corrections Dept. employee
Alleged years of verbal harassment, slurs, intimidation
The D.C. government on Feb. 5 agreed to pay $500,000 to a gay D.C. Department of Corrections officer as a settlement to a lawsuit the officer filed in 2021 alleging he was subjected to years of discrimination at his job because of his sexual orientation, according to a statement released by the American Civil Liberties Union of D.C.
The statement says the lawsuit, filed on behalf of Sgt. Deon Jones by the ACLU of D.C. and the law firm WilmerHale, alleged that the Department of Corrections, including supervisors and co-workers, “subjected Sgt. Jones to discrimination, retaliation, and a hostile work environment because of his identity as a gay man, in violation of the D.C. Human Rights Act.”
Daniel Gleick, a spokesperson for D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser, said the mayor’s office would have no comment on the lawsuit settlement. The Washington Blade couldn’t immediately reach a spokesperson for the Office of the D.C. Attorney General, which represents the city against lawsuits.
Bowser and her high-level D.C. government appointees, including Japer Bowles, director of the Mayor’s Office of LGBTQ Affairs, have spoken out against LGBTQ-related discrimination.
“Jones, now a 28-year veteran of the Department and nearing retirement, faced years of verbal abuse and harassment from coworkers and incarcerated people alike, including anti-gay slurs, threats, and degrading treatment,” the ACLU’s statement says.
“The prolonged mistreatment took a severe toll on Jones’s mental health, and he experienced depression, Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, and 15 anxiety attacks in 2021 alone,” it says.
“For years, I showed up to do my job with professionalism and pride, only to be targeted because of who I am,” Jones says in the ACLU statement. “This settlement affirms that my pain mattered – and that creating hostile workplaces has real consequences,” he said.
He added, “For anyone who is LGBTQ or living with a disability and facing workplace discrimination or retaliation, know this: you are not powerless. You have rights. And when you stand up, you can achieve justice.”
The settlement agreement, a link to which the ACLU provided in its statement announcing the settlement, states that plaintiff Jones agrees, among other things, that “neither the Parties’ agreement, nor the District’s offer to settle the case, shall in any way be construed as an admission by the District that it or any of its current or former employees, acted wrongfully with respect to Plaintiff or any other person, or that Plaintiff has any rights.”
Scott Michelman, the D.C. ACLU’s legal director said that type of disclaimer is typical for parties that agree to settle a lawsuit like this.
“But actions speak louder than words,” he told the Blade. “The fact that they are paying our client a half million dollars for the pervasive and really brutal harassment that he suffered on the basis of his identity for years is much more telling than their disclaimer itself,” he said.
The settlement agreement also says Jones would be required, as a condition for accepting the agreement, to resign permanently from his job at the Department of Corrections. ACLU spokesperson Andy Hoover said Jones has been on administrative leave since March 2022. Jones couldn’t immediately be reached for comment.
“This is really something that makes sense on both sides,” Michelman said of the resignation requirements. “The environment had become so toxic the way he had been treated on multiple levels made it difficult to see how he could return to work there.”
District of Columbia
D.C. non-profits find creative ways to aid the unhoused amid funding cuts
City’s poor economic mobility makes it easier to slip into homelessness
Homelessness is unlikely to disappear entirely, but it can be minimized and controlled.
That principle guides Everyone Home Executive Director Karen Cunningham’s approach to homeless support and prevention in D.C.
“There’s always going to be some amount of people who have a crisis,” Cunningham said. “The goal is that if they become homeless, [it’s] rare, brief and non-recurring. And in order for that to be the case, we need to have steady investments in programs that we know work over time.”
Making those investments has proven to be an unprecedented challenge, however. Cunningham said non-profits and other organizations like Everyone Home are grappling with government funding cuts or stalls that threaten the work they do to support D.C.’s homeless population.
Despite a 9% decrease in homelessness from 2024 to 2025, advocates worry that stagnant funding will make that progress hard to sustain. Furthermore, D.C. has the worst unemployment rate in the country at 6.7% as of December. The city’s poor economic mobility makes it easier for people to slip into homelessness and harder to break free of it.
There’s a way forward, Cunningham said, but it’s going to take a lot of perseverance and creative solutions from those willing to stay in the fight.
Fighting through setbacks
Reduced funding from the city government has shifted the way Everyone Home operates.
In D.C.’s fiscal year 2026 budget proposal, homeless services and prevention programs saw stalled growth or financial reductions. Even just a few years ago, Cunningham said Everyone Home received a large influx of vouchers to help people who needed long-term supportive housing. The vouchers allowed the non-profit to break people free of the homeless cycle and secure stable housing.
However, those vouchers are scarce these days. Cunningham said the city is investing less in multi-year programs and more in programs that offer preventative and upfront support.
She said this reality has forced Everyone Home to stop operating its Family Rapid Rehab program, which helps families leave shelters and transition into permanent housing. Current funds couldn’t withstand the size of the program and Cunningham said very few organizations can still afford to run similar programs.
The Family Homelessness Prevention program, however, is thriving and expanding at Everyone Home due to its short-term nature. It provides families with 90-day support services to help them get back on track and secure stable finances and housing.
Everyone Home also offers a drop-in day center, where they provide people with emergency clothing, laundry, and meals, and has a street outreach team to support those who are chronically homeless and offer services to them.
Inconsistencies in financial support have created challenges in providing the necessary resources to those struggling. It’s led non-profits like Everyone Home to get creative with their solutions to ensuring no one has recurring or long spouts of homelessness.
“It’s really a sustained investment in these programs and services that can allow us to chip away, because if you put all these resources in and then take your foot off the gas, there’s always people entering the system,” Cunningham said. “And so we have to always be moving people out into housing.”
Getting people in and out of the homeless system isn’t easy due to D.C.’s struggle with providing accessible and affordable housing, D.C. Policy Center executive director Yesim Sayin said in a Nov. 16 Washington Blade article.
Sayin said that D.C.’s construction tailors to middle or upper class people who live in the city because work brought them there, but it excludes families and D.C. natives who may be on the verge of homelessness and have less geographic mobility.
Building more and building smarter ensures D.C.’s low-income population aren’t left behind and at risk of becoming homeless, Sayin said.
That risk is a common one in D.C. given its low economic mobility. Residents have less room to financially grow given the city’s high cost of living, making vulnerable communities more prone to homelessness.
With funding cuts for long-term programs, preventative programs have proven to be vital in supporting the homeless population. When someone becomes homeless, it can have a snowball effect on their life. They aren’t just losing a house –– they may lose their job, access to reliable transportation and food for their family.
Cunningham said resources like the Family Homelessness Prevention program allows people to grow and stabilize before losing crucial life resources.
“Helping people keep what they have and to try to grow that as much as possible is really important where there aren’t a lot of opportunities…for people to increase their income,” Cunningham said.
Through all the funding cuts and reduced services, D.C.’s homeless support organizations are still finding a path forward –– a path that many residents and families rely on to survive.
Pushing forward
Local non-profits and organizations like Everyone Home are the backbone of homeless support when all other systems fail.
When the White House issued an executive order directing agencies to remove homeless encampments on federal land, Coalition For The Homeless provided ongoing shelter to those impacted.
“We were asked by our funders to open two shelters at the time of the encampment policy announcement,” Lucho Vásquez, executive director of Coalition For The Homeless, said. “We opened the shelters on the same day of the request and have been housing 100 more people who are unhoused each night since August.”
This was achieved even after Coalition faced “severe cuts in funding for supportive and security services,” according to Vásquez. Staff members have taken on additional responsibilities to make up for the loss in security coverage and supportive services with no increase in pay, but Vásquez said they’re still trying to fill gaps left by the cuts.
Coalition offers free transitional housing, single room occupancy units and affordable apartments to people who were unhoused.
Coalition For The Homeless isn’t the only non-profit that’s had to step up its services amid dwindling resources. Thrive D.C. provides hot meals, showers, and winter clothes, which is especially important during the winter months.
Pathways to Housing D.C. offers housing services for people regardless of their situation or condition. Its “Housing First” teams house people directly from the streets, and then evaluate their mental and physical health, employment, addiction status, and education challenges to try to integrate them back into the community.
Covenant House is a homeless shelter for youth ages 18-24. They provide resources and shelter for youth “while empowering young people in their journey to independence and stability,” its website reads. Through its variety of programs, Friendship Place ended or prevented homelessness, found employment and provided life-changing services for more than 5,400 people.
These groups have made a huge local difference with little resources, but Cunningham said there are more ways for people to support those experiencing homelessness if they’re strapped for time or money. Aside from donating and volunteering, she said even simply showing compassion toward people who are struggling can go a long way.
Cunningham said compassion is something that’s been lost in the mainstream, with politicians and news anchors regularly directing hostile rhetoric toward homeless populations. But now more than ever, she said caring and understanding for fellow community members is key to moving forward and lifting those in need up.
“People sometimes feel invisible or that there’s a sense of hostility,” Cunningham said. “I think all of us can at least do that piece of recognizing people’s humanity.”
(This article is part of a national initiative exploring how geography, policy, and local conditions influence access to opportunity. Find more stories at economicopportunitylab.com.)
District of Columbia
D.C. bar Rush facing eviction on charge of failing to pay rent
Landlord says $201,324 owed in back payments, late fees
The owners of the building at 14th and U Streets, N.W. where D.C.’s newest LGBTQ bar and nightclub Rush opened on Dec. 5, 2025, filed a complaint in D.C. Superior Court on Feb. 3 seeking Rush’s eviction on grounds that the bar has failed to pay its required rent since last May.
According to the court filing by building owners Thomas and Ioanna Tsianakas Family Trust and Thomas Tsianakas Trustee, Rush owes $141,338.18 in back rent, $19,086.19 for utilities, and $40,900 in late fees, coming to a total of $201,324.37.
Rush owner Jackson Mosley didn’t immediately respond to a Feb. 5 phone message from the Washington Blade seeking comment on the court filing seeking his eviction from the building located at 200114th Street, N.W., with its entrance around the corner on U Street.
WUSA 9 TV news reported in a Feb. 5 broadcast that Mosley said he “doesn’t see why the eviction notice is news and called it a ‘formality.’” The WUSA report adds that Mosley said he and the Rush landlord “have no bad blood” and if the action did reach the point of eviction he would file for Chapter 11 bankruptcy to restructure the lease and his debts.
The eviction court filing follows a decision by the city’s Alcoholic Beverage and Cannabis Board on Dec. 17 to suspend Rush’s liquor license on grounds that its payment check for the liquor licensing fee was “returned unpaid.” The liquor board reissued the license three days later after Mosley paid the fee with another check
He told the Blade at the time that the first check did not “bounce,” as rumors in the community claimed. He said he made a decision to put a “hold” on the check so that Rush could change its initial decision to submit a payment for the license for three years and instead to arrange for a lower payment for just one year at a time.
Around that same time several Rush employees posted social media messages saying the staff was not paid for the bar’s first month’s pay period. Mosley responded by posting a message on the Rush website saying employees were not paid because of a “tax related mismatch between federal and District records,” which, among other things, involved the IRS.
“This discrepancy triggered a compliance hold within our payroll system,” his statement said. “The moment I became aware of the issue I immediately engaged our payroll provider and began working to resolve it,” he said.
But WUSA 9 reports in its Feb. 5 broadcast about the eviction issue that at least some of the now former employees say they still have not been paid since their first paycheck failed to come on Dec. 15.
Superior Court online records for the eviction case show that a “Remote Initial Hearing” for the case has been scheduled for March 30 before a Landlord & Tenant Judge.
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