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Kameny estate dispute sparks lawsuits

Gay rights pioneer’s burial ceremony postponed

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Frank Kameny, gay news, gay politics dc

Frank Kameny’s March 3 burial was postponed, but his headstone and grave marker are now in place and are open for visitors at the cemetery, which is located at 18th Street and Potomac Avenue, S.E. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The man named by the late gay rights pioneer Frank Kameny as the main beneficiary of his estate has filed separate lawsuits against four of Kameny’s longtime friends and fellow activists, charging that they “wrongfully” removed property from Kameny’s house shortly after his death last October.

The lawsuits, which were filed in D.C. Superior Court on March 3 and March 5, came days after one of the men now named as a defendant, Bob Witeck, announced that a March 3 ceremony for the interment of Kameny’s ashes at Congressional Cemetery had been postponed in “deference” to Kameny’s estate.

“Timothy Lamont Clark, the Personal Representative of the Estate of Dr. Franklin E. Kameny, filed Complaints for Writ of Replevin against Dr. Marvin Carter, Charles Francis, Richard Rosendall, and Robert ‘Bob’ Witeck in the Superior Court of the District of Columbia Civil Division,” says a statement released by attorney Glen Ackerman, who is representing Clark and the Kameny estate.

“The Estate alleges that Messrs. Carter, Francis, Rosendall, and Witeck removed property belonging to the Estate of Dr. Kameny without authority or permission,” Ackerman says in the statement. “The Estate is seeking immediate recovery of the property wrongfully taken.”

Witeck and Rosendall said they had no immediate comment on the lawsuits. Rande Joiner, an attorney saying she represents Francis, said Francis also would have no comment. Carter did not respond to an email and phone message seeking comment.

U.S. Legal.com, a website specializing in legal issues, describes “Replevin” as an “action or writ issued to recover an item of personal property wrongfully taken.” It says it can be used as a legal remedy “in which a court requires a defendant to return specific goods to the plaintiff at the beginning of the action” while the case is awaiting trial.

The suits allege that some or all of the defendants improperly removed from Kameny’s house his personal papers; a U.S.  Army uniform of Kameny’s; a statue; “Gay is Good” pins; and “personal and historical photographs,” among other items.

The lawsuit also claims Francis is required to hand over to the estate the “posthumous certificate awarded to Franklin Edward Kameny by the American Astronomical Society on January 10, 2012.”

Francis said in a press release earlier this year that he traveled to Texas at the invitation of the astronomical society to accept the award on Kameny’s behalf.

The lawsuits say each of these items “belong to the Plaintiff and the Estate of Franklin Edward Kameny” and are of “unknown historical value and of a monetary value yet to be determined.”

Ackerman told the Blade that Francis, Witeck, Rosendall, and Carter removed the items from Kameny’s house in November.

Rosendall and Witeck told the Blade earlier this year that Clark, who was living in the house at the time, gave them permission to take the items to preserve them for safekeeping, with the intent of returning the items to the estate.

The two said Clark, who inherited Kameny’s house, told them he was about to have the house cleaned to prepare for placing it on the market for sale and was ready to dispose of many of the remaining items in the house as trash.

Rosendall told the Blade last week that he, Witeck, and Carter became alarmed that important papers and other items needed to preserve Kameny’s legacy were in danger of being discarded and lost. He said Clark had no objections to their temporarily taking possession of the items and allowed them access to the house.

Ackerman this week said Clark disputes that characterization of what happened. According to Ackerman, Clark says he never told Witeck, Francis, Rosendall, or Carter that he planned to throw away the items in question. Ackerman said Clark feels he was misled by the men into thinking they had the legal right to take the items from the house.

“At that time he didn’t understand the legal issues of all of this,” Ackerman said.

Activists helped Kameny in last years

Kameny’s will, which names Clark as Kameny’s personal representative for the estate, also names Clark as the sole beneficiary of Kameny’s house, car, and all other possessions except his papers, which Kameny bequeathed to the Library of Congress.

Activists who know Witeck, Francis, Carter, and Rosendall credit them with helping Kameny financially in the last years of his life. Carter, founder and executive director of the local charitable group Helping Our Brothers and Sisters (HOBS), arranged for the group to raise money to help Kameny pay his bills at a time when he was in financial need.

Francis founded the Kameny Papers Project, which arranged for the Library of Congress in 2007 to take possession of thousands of Kameny’s papers and documents that cover the gay rights leader’s work on behalf of LGBT equality over a 50-year period.

The project, under Francis’ and Witeck’s direction, raised more than $75,000 from donors to buy the papers from Kameny, giving him needed financial support, and donate them to the Library of Congress, where they are available to researchers.

Ackerman said he recognizes the contributions of the four men on Kameny’s behalf. But he said that he and Clark are legally obligated in probating Kameny’s will to keep an accurate inventory of all of Kameny’s property. All of the items taken from the house belong to Clark under the terms of Kameny’s will, Ackerman said.

He said Francis has declined to say why he has yet to deliver the Kameny papers he took from the house shortly after Kameny’s death to the Library of Congress.

“It’s almost six months since Dr. Kameny died,” Ackerman said. “What is it taking so long for him to give those papers to the Library of Congress?”

He said he was troubled to learn from Joiner, Francis’s lawyer,  that Francis and the others have agreed to return the items they took from the house but only if the estate issues a legal waiver releasing them from any liability associated with the estate or Clark.

Ackerman said the estate refuses to agree to such a waiver.

“Why do they want to be released from liability if they didn’t do anything wrong?” he said.

Interment delayed over gravesite ownership

The abrupt postponement of the March 3 interment ceremony for Kameny’s ashes at D.C.’s historic Congressional Cemetery startled many of the activists who knew Kameny and planned to attend.

Patrick Crowley, interim senior manager for Congressional Cemetery, said Witeck informed him on March 2, one day before the ceremony was to take place, that he and the other organizers of the event wanted to call it off.

“All I can say is there is a disagreement between the parties that own the plot and the estate of Mr. Kameny,” Crowley said.

Crowley said HOBS, operated by Carter, purchased the gravesite earlier this year.

Ackerman said HOBS along with Francis and Witeck announced plans for the burial service without consulting Clark or the Kameny estate. He said Clark, who has legal rights to the ashes and planned to take possession of them, was not informed in advance of the burial plans and was “completely excluded” from the entire process of obtaining a cemetery plot and planning the interment of the ashes.

When Clark asked about the ashes last year, he was told they already had been buried, Ackerman said Clark told him. Ackerman said he and Clark did not learn that the ashes had not been buried until last month, when he saw a press release about plans for the interment and a cemetery official told him the ashes were in an urn at the cemetery office.

With this as a backdrop, Ackerman said he informed the cemetery and Francis, Witeck, and Carter, through attorney Joiner that the estate would not allow the interment of the ashes to take place until HOBS signed over ownership of the cemetery plot to the estate.

The estate would pay HOBS for the plot and other burial related expenses, Ackerman said.

He said HOBS agreed to do this but informed him that the HOBS board could not make arrangements to approve the sale in time for the ceremony. Ackerman said the estate had no objections to holding the gravesite ceremony but it could not agree to the burial of the ashes until the estate gained legal ownership of the plot.

Reached by phone March 2, Witeck acknowledged that the interment ceremony was being postponed due to issues related to the Kameny estate, but he declined to provide further details on the reason for the postponement, including whether organizers didn’t want a ceremony if the ashes could not be interred.

Editor’s note: The law firm Ackerman Brown PLCC, of which Glen Ackerman is managing partner, represents the Washington Blade.

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Virginia

Fellow lawmakers praise Adam Ebbin after Va. Senate farewell address

Gay state senator to take job in Spanberger administration

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Outgoing Virginia state Sen. Adam Ebbin (D-Alexandria) in 2024. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Gay Virginia state Sen. Adam Ebbin (D-Alexandria) delivered his farewell address on Feb. 16 in the Senate chamber in Richmond following his decision to resign from his role as a lawmaker to take a position as senior advisor to Democratic Gov. Abigail Spanberger.  

Ebbin, whose resignation was to take effect Feb. 18, received a standing ovation from his fellow senators. Several of them spoke after Ebbin’s address to praise him for his service in the Virginia Senate from 2012 to 2026.

Ebbin first won election to the Virginia House of Delegates in 2003 as the first openly gay member of the General Assembly. He served in the House of Delegates from 2004 to 2012 before winning election to the Senate in 2011.

His Senate district includes Alexandria and parts of Arlington and Fairfax Counties. 

“Serving in this body has been the greatest honor of my life,” Ebbin said in his farewell address. “Representing Northern Virginia in the General Assembly — my adopted home since 1989 — has been a responsibility I never took lightly,” he said.

“We are a 406-year-old institution,” he told his fellow lawmakers. “But, when I arrived, I had the distinct honor of being a ‘first’ in the General Assembly,” he said. “Being an openly gay elected official 22 years ago didn’t earn you book deals or talk show appearances — just a seat in a deep minority across the hall.”

Ebbin added, “Still, being out was a fact that felt both deeply personal and unavoidably public. I was proud, but I was also very aware that simply being here carried a responsibility larger than myself.”

Ebbin has been credited with playing a lead role in advocating for LGBTQ rights in the General Assembly as well as speaking out against anti-LGBTQ proposals that have surfaced during his tenure in the legislature.

In his speech he also pointed to other issues he has championed as a lawmaker; including strengthening education programs, expanding access to healthcare, safeguarding the environment, and legislation to help “stand up for working people.”

Among the LGBTQ rights legislation he pushed and mentioned in his speech was the Virginia Values Act of 2020, which bans discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, among other categories.  

“I’m particularly proud of our work ensuring Virginia modernized state law to protect LGBT people from discrimination in their daily lives, including in employment, housing, and public accommodations,” he said in his speech. “The Virginia Values Act of 2020 — my proudest achievement — established new protections for all Virginians,” he said.

“This law, the first of its kind in the South, passed with strong bipartisan support,” he stated. “And now — this November — after 20 years, Virginians will finally be able to vote on the Marriage Equality Amendment, which will protect the ability to marry who you love. It’s time for our state constitution to accurately reflect the law of the land.”    

He was referring to a proposed state constitutional amendment approved by the General Assembly, but which must now go before voters in a referendum, to repeal a constitutional amendment approved by the legislators and voters in 2006 that bans same-sex marriage.

The U.S. Supreme Court’s Obergefell ruling legalizing same-sex marriage nationwide voided the Virginia same-sex marriage ban. But Ebbin and LGBTQ rights advocates have called on the General Assembly to take action to repeal the amendment in case the Supreme Court changes its ruling on the issue.

In his new job in the Spanberger administration Ebbin will become a senior advisor at the Virginia Cannabis Control Authority, which regulates policies regarding marijuana possession and distribution.

Ebbin was among the lead sponsors of legislation in 2020 to decriminalize possession of marijuana and of current pending legislation calling for legalizing possession.

“When I first entered the General Assembly, I saw too many lives upended by a simple marijuana charge — jobs lost, futures delayed, families hurt,” he said in his speech. “And for far too long, that harm was baked into our laws. That is no longer the case. The times have changed and so have our laws.”

Ebbin said he was also proud to have played some role in the changes in Virginia that now enable LGBTQ Virginians to serve in all levels of the state government “openly, authentically, and unapologetically.”

“I swore to myself that I wouldn’t leave until there was at least one more lesbian or gay General Assembly member,” Ebbin said in his speech. “But when I leave, I’m proud to say we will have an 8-member LGBTQ caucus.”

And he added, “And if anyone on the other side of the aisle wants to come out, you will be more than welcome — we’re still waiting on that first openly gay Republican.”

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District of Columbia

Deon Jones speaks about D.C. Department of Corrections bias lawsuit settlement

Gay former corrections officer says harassment, discrimination began in 1993

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Deon Jones (Photo courtesy of the American Civil Liberties Union)

Deon Jones says he is pleased with the outcome of his anti-gay bias lawsuit against the D.C. Department of Corrections that ended after five years on Feb. 5 with the D.C. government paying him $500,000 in a settlement payment.

The lawsuit, filed on his behalf by the American Civil Liberties Union of D.C. and the international law firm WilmerHale, charged that Jones, a Department of Corrections sergeant, had been subjected to years of discrimination, retaliation, and a hostile work environment because of his identity as a gay man in clear violation of the D.C. Human Rights Act.

A statement released by the ACLU at the time the settlement was announced says Jones, “faced years of verbal abuse and harassment, from co-workers and incarcerated people alike, including anti-gay slurs, threats, and degrading treatment.”

The statement adds, “The prolonged mistreatment took a severe toll on Jones’s mental health, and he experienced depression, post-traumatic-stress disorder, and 15 anxiety attacks in 2021 alone.:

Jones said the harassment and mistreatment he encountered began in 1993, one year after he first began work at the Department of Corrections and continued for more than 25 years under six D.C. mayors, including current Mayor Muriel Bowser, who he says did not respond to his repeated pleas for help.

Each of those mayors, including Bowser, have been outspoken supporters of the LGBTQ community, but Jones says they did not intervene to change what he calls the homophobic “culture” at the Department of Corrections.

The Department of Corrections, through the Office of the D.C. Attorney General, which represents city agencies against lawsuits, and the mayor’s office, have so far declined to comment on the lawsuit and the half million-dollar settlement the city offered to Jones, who accepted it.

Among other things, the settlement agreement states that Jones would be required to resign from his job at the Department of Corrections. It also declares that “neither the parties’ agreement nor the District government’s offer to settle the case shall in any way be construed as an admission by the District that it or any of its current or former employees, acted wrongfully with respect to plaintiff or any other person, or that plaintiff has any rights.”

Scott Michelman, the D.C. ACLU’s legal director said that type of disclaimer is typical for parties that agree to settle a lawsuit like this. He said the city’s action to pay Jones a half million-dollar settlement “speaks louder than words.”   

With that as a backdrop, Jones reflected on the settlement and what he says was his tumultuous 30-year career as an employee at the D.C. Department of Corrections in a Feb. 9 interview with the Washington Blade.

He and Michelman pointed out that Jones was placed on paid administrative leave in April 2022, one year after his lawsuit was filed. Among his upcoming plans, Jones told the Blade, is to publish a podcast that, among other things, will highlight the hardship he faced at the Department of Corrections and advocate for LGBTQ rights.   

BLADE: What are your thoughts on this lawsuit settlement which appears very much in your favor?

JONES: That’s great. I’m happy. I’m glad to resign. It’s been a long time coming. It was the worst time it’s ever been. And I have advocated for the community for many, many years. And not only standing up for my rights but for the rights for others in the LGBTQ community.

And I’m just tired now. And my podcast will start soon. And I will continue to advocate for the community.

BLADE: Can you tell a little about that and when it will begin?

JONES: Once in April, once everything is closed my podcast will be starting. And that’s Deon’s Chronicle and Reveal. Yes, my own podcast.

BLADE: Since we have reported your attorney saying you have been on administrative leave since March of 2022, some in the community might be interested in what you have been doing since that time. Did you get another job or were you just waiting for this case to be resolved?

JONES: I was waiting for this to be resolved. I couldn’t work. That would violate policy and procedures of the D.C. government. So, I could not get another job or anything else.

BLADE: You have said under administrative leave you were still getting paid. You were still able to live off of that?

JONES: Yes, I was able to. Yes, sir. I used to do a lot of overtime. As a zone lieutenant for many years, I have supervised over 250 officers. I’ve also supervised over 25,000 inmates in my 30 years.

BLADE: How many years have you been working for the Department of Corrections?

JONES: It’s 30 years all together. I started down at the Lorton facility. Six facilities — I’ve worked for past directors, deputy directors, internal affairs. I’ve done it all.

BLADE: Do you have any plans now other than doing the podcast?

JONES: Well, to just do my podcast and also to write my book and my memoir inside of the house of pain, the house of shame — what I’ve been through. When I start my podcast off it will be stories — Part 1 through Part 4. And I will go back to the Lorton days all the way up to now. When it first started was sexual harassment and discrimination back down at Lorton. And I mean this has just been the worst time around.

BLADE: So, did you first start your work at the Lorton Prison?

JONES: Yes, I was at the central facility, which was the program institution.

MICHELMAN: Just for context. You may remember this, but the Lorton facility was where D.C. incarcerated people were held. So, that was part of the D.C. Department of Corrections.

BLADE: Yes, and that was located in Lorton, Va., is that right?

JONES: Right.

BLADE: Didn’t that close and is the main incarceration facility is now in D.C. itself?

JONES: Yes. And that closed in 2001.

BLADE: I see. And is the main D.C. jail now at a site near the RFK Stadium site?

JONES: Yes, sir. And next-door is the correctional treatment facility as well.

BLADE: So, are you saying the harassment and other mistreatment against you began back when you were working at the Lorton facility?

JONES: At the Lorton central facility. And they used to flash me too. When I say flash me like the residents, the inmates were flashing. And they [the employees] were flashing.

BLADE: What do you mean by flashing?

JONES: They take their penis out and everything else. I mean the sexual harassment was terrible. And I came out then down there. And I continued to advocate for myself and to advocate for other people who I was told were being picked on as well.

BLADE: As best you can recall, where and what year did that happen?

JONES: That was back in 1993 in April of 1993.

BLADE: The mayor’s office has declined to comment on the settlement and payment the city is giving you. Yet they have always said they have a strong policy of nondiscrimination protections for LGBTQ people in D.C. government agencies. But do you think that was not carried out at the Department of Corrections?

JONES: That’s a blatant reason why — I had 13 anxiety attacks. It was so blatant. Can you imagine? On the airwaves or the walkie-talkies — everybody had a walkie talkie — the captains and the majors and everything. And you transmit it to the command center or something like that. When you finish someone gets on the air and calls you a sissy or a fag.

They received so many complaints, and I also sent the mayor so many emails and begging for help. And they ignored it. They didn’t address any complaints at all. So, that’s bull.

BLADE: But now after you filed your lawsuit and you received this settlement do you think there will be changes there to protect the rights of other LGBTQ employees?

JONES: I hope so, because I have been defending community rights. For many years I have been advocating for different things and different services. And I’ve seen the treatment. There are a lot of mistreatments towards the community over there. And I have taken a stance for a lot of people in the community and protecting their constitutional rights as well as mine.

BLADE: What advice might you have for what the Department of Corrections should do to correct the situation that led to your lawsuit?

JONES: Well, what my advice for the department is they need to go back over their training. And they need to enforce rules against any acts of discrimination, retaliation, or sexual harassment. They need to enforce that. They’re not enforcing that at all. They’re not doing it at all. And this time it was worse than ever, then I’ve ever seen it. That you would get on the walkie talkie and someone would call you a fag or a sissy or whatever else or do evil things and everything. They are not enforcing what they are preaching. They are not enforcing that.

BLADE: Is there any kind of concluding comment you may want to make?

JONES: Well, I hope that this litigation will be a wakeup call for the department. And also, that it will give someone else the motivation to stand up for their rights. I was blessed to have the ACLU and WilmerHale to protect my constitutional rights. So, I am just really happy. So, I’m hoping that others will stand up for their rights. Because a lot of people in the community that worked there, they were actually afraid. And I had some people who actually quit because of the pressure.

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Baltimore

‘Heated Rivalry’ fandom exposes LGBTQ divide in Baltimore

Hit show raises questions about identity, cultural representation

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(Photo courtesy of Crave HBO Max)

By JOHN-JOHN WILLIAMS IV | “Heated Rivalry,” the surprise gay hockey romance that has captivated global audiences and become a cultural phenomenon, has inspired sold-out parties celebrating the characters from the steamy series, including in Baltimore.

For some, love of the show has exposed the loss of a once-vibrant gay nightlife in Charm City and splintered its LGBTQ community. It also brings up layered questions about identity, cultural representation, and the limits of identity politics.

In Baltimore, the majority of the parties also appear to be missing a key ingredient that has been a part of the show’s success: gay men at the helm. Last month, women hosted a dance party at Ottobar, a straight establishment.

The rest of this article can be read on the Baltimore Banner’s website.

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