National
Gay congressional candidates excel in 2Q fundraising
Baldwin rakes in $2.2 million; Tisei bests Dem incumbent
Gay and lesbian candidates running for Congress posted strong fundraising numbers in the second quarter in a year when more out contenders than ever are making bids for high office.
The Washington Blade examined the second quarter campaign finance reports for the eight candidates seeking office in the U.S. House and U.S. Senate that were endorsed by the Gay & Lesbian Victory Fund. The second quarter numbers represent fundraising for the candidates starting in April through June and were posted recently to the Federal Election Commission website.
The eight endorsed candidates are among 13 identified openly LGBT candidates pursuing seats in the House and Senate throughout the country — an unprecedented number for any election cycle.
In the most high-profile race, lesbian U.S. Senate candidate Tammy Baldwin has been doing well in fundraising in her bid to become the first openly gay U.S. senator. Baldwin took in $2.2 million during the second quarter. That means she has raised $6.7 million this cycle while spending $3.96 million and having $3.5 million in cash on hand.
Technically, she didn’t come out on top in comparison to one of her Republican opponents. Eric Hovde, a hedge fund manager who recently entered the race, posted $2,494,211 for the second quarter. But Hovde, whose net worth has been estimated at $58 million, has spent millions on his own campaign and spent $3.5 million to make his name more well known. Others in the race came out behind: former Wisconsin Gov. Tommy Thompson raised $834,000, former congressman and gubernatorial candidate Mark Neumann raised $733,450 and State Assembly Speaker Jeff Fitzgerald raised $41,033.
The race between Baldwin and her potential Republican opponents appears tight. According to data published last month from Public Policy Polling, she’s in a dead heat with Novde, who leads her 45-44, and Thompson, whom she ties 45-45. Baldwin leads Neumann by 45-41 and Fitzgerald 46-42.
Perhaps the most surprising numbers come from Richard Tisei, a gay Republican former state legislator in Massachusetts, who raised $571,371 in the second quarter in his bid to represent Massachusetts’ 6th congressional district. That means he outraised Rep. John Tierney (D-Mass.), who raised $421,944 — even though he’s an incumbent Democrat running in a heavily “blue” state.
In a statement, Tisei, who outraised Tierney in the first quarter of 2012, thanked donors.
“I am consistently impressed with the strong support I am receiving from individual donors in support of my candidacy,” Tisei said. “In my wildest dreams, I wouldn’t have imagined that so many people would be supporting our message of change with their pocketbooks — particularly in these very tough economic times.”
The fundraising numbers for the second quarter mean Tisei has raised $1,237,000 thus far this cycle, has spent $435,410 and has $802,000 in cash on hand. Comparatively, Tierney has raised $1,325,650 this cycle, has spent $820,875 and has $693,000 in cash on hand.
On Wednesday, the D.C. newspaper Roll Call shifted the status of the race from “leans Democrat” to “toss-up.” The race is becoming competitive, in part, because Tierney, an eight-term U.S House member, has been under scrutiny because of controversy involving his family. Tierney’s brother-in-law, Daniel Eremian, was convicted of federal racketeering charges related to his operation of an illegal offshore casino, and Tierney’s wife was sent to jail for tax fraud related to this operation.
Tierney has a strong pro-LGBT record in the U.S. House: he voted in favor of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” repeal, hate crimes protections legislation and a version of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act in addition to voting against the Federal Marriage Amendment.
Similarly strong numbers were posted in the second quarter by Mark Pocan, a gay Wisconsin Assembly member who’s seeking to represent Wisconsin’s 2nd congressional district. Baldwin is vacating the seat to run for Senate.
But Pocan is in a different situation because he still needs to win the Democratic primary, which is set for Aug. 14, and other Democrats are seeking the nomination to represent the party in the general election. Pocan raised $250,000 in the second quarter, besting his most serious competitor, Kelda Helen Roys, another state legislator in Wisconsin, who raised $130,833.
In a statement, Pocan said he accepted contributions from more than 3,300 donors over the course of his campaign, and 80 percent of donations came in increments of $100 or less.
“I am truly grateful for the outpouring of support from the District 2 community,” Pocan said. “I’ve met and talked to voters from Beloit to Baraboo, and it’s clear my message of progressive values with real results resonates with people.”
The second quarter numbers mean Pocan has raised $734,550 over the course of his campaign, has spent $280,635 and has $454,000 in cash on hand. Meanwhile, Roys has raised $392,393, spent $130,833 and has $190,120 in cash on hand.
Not all gay candidates are faring as well. Sean Patrick Maloney, didn’t raise as much as incumbent Rep. Nan Hayworth (R-N.Y.) in his bid to represent New York’s 18th congressional district. Maloney, who in June won the Democratic primary, raised $319,000 in the second quarter, while Hayworth took in $459,000.
Tim Persico, campaign manager for Maloney, said special interests were the reason his boss didn’t raise as much as the incumbent Republican in the past few months, but said he’s still in good position to win.
“Sean Patrick Maloney doesn’t have the same profitable relationship with PACs and corporate lobbyists that brought Congresswoman Hayworth over a million dollars, but the outpouring of support from friends, family and even complete strangers has put him in a position to win,” Persico said.
Support from the LGBT community is coming from both sides in this race. Hayworth, who has a gay son, Will Hayworth, has been seen as a friend to the LGBT community since she took office at the start of last year. For example, she was among five Republicans to vote against a recent measure to reaffirm the Defense of Marriage Act when it came to the floor last month.
One of the gay U.S. House members seeking re-election — and who’s also facing a serious challenge in the primary and general election — also came out on top in fundraising last quarter. Rep. David Cicilline (D-R.I.), who last year became the newest openly gay member of Congress, raised $302,000 in the second quarter.
But his opponents aren’t too far behind. Anthony Gemma, a businessman, is Cicilline’s main challenger in the Democratic primary, which is set for Sept. 11, and raised $243,000 in the second quarter. The Republican in the race, Brendan Doherty, the Rhode Island State Police’s former superintendent, raised $221,711.
Cicilline is facing a complicated road to re-election because the city that he governed as mayor prior to winning election to the U.S. House, Providence, R.I., is facing financial problems. A report commissioned by the City Council last year blamed his administration for a lack of transparency and for making a series of moves – like tapping into Providence’s rainy-day fund – without councilors’ approval. The lawmaker apologized in April, saying he should have been more forthright about the financial condition of the city.
Polls are showing Cicilline could be in danger of losing the Democratic nomination. A poll from local TV affiliate WPRI published in May of 302 likely Democratic primary voters had Cicilline leading with 40 percent and Gemma following close behind at 36 percent — and 20 percent still undecided.
So far this cycle, Cicilline has raised $1,570,486, spent $771,723 and has $836,325 in cash on hand. At the same time, Doherty has raised $990,882, spent $321,532 and has $669,350 in cash on hand, while Gemma has raised $990,882, spent $87,071 and has $343,040 in cash on hand.
The bisexual lawmaker seeking to represent Arizona’s 9th congressional district is also coming out on top of a crowded field of a half dozen candidates seeking to win this newly created seat. Kyrsten Sinema, who’s bisexual and a state legislator, raised $367,554 in the second quarter. That’s above her most serious competitor in the primary set for Aug. 28, Andrei Cherny, who’s a former state party chair endorsed by former President Clinton. Cherny took in $301,895 during the same period.
In total this cycle, Sinema has raised $626,288, spent $267,492 and has $358,796 in cash in hand. In comparison, Cherny has raised $732,973, spent $263,913 and has $469,060 in cash on hand.
But the gay candidate didn’t come out on top in California’s 41st congressional district. Mark Takano, a school teacher and member of the Riverside Community College District’s Board of Trustees, raised $256,965, while his opponent, Riverside County Supervisor John Tavaglione, raised $337,667. Takano is seeking to become the first openly gay person of color to serve in the U.S. House in this newly created Democratic-leaning district.
So far this cycle, Takano has raised $758,156, spent $517,138 and has $241,093 in cash on hand. Meanwhile, Tavaglione has raised $790,027, spent $338,186 and has $451,991 in cash on hand.
Rep. Jared Polis (D-Colo.), who if re-elected would become the most senior openly gay member of the U.S. House, raised $59,503 in the second quarter. Those numbers put him at $848,000 in total for fundraising this cycle and leave him with $347,000 in cash on hand. An incumbent running in a safe Democratic seat, he’s not expected to face serious competition in his bid for re-election.
CORRECTION: An earlier version of this article incorrectly referred to Rep. Nan Hayworth as Nan Hunter. The name of Tim Persico was also misspelled. The Blade regrets the error.
Puerto Rico
The ‘X’ returns to court
1st Circuit hears case over legal recognition of nonbinary Puerto Ricans
Eight months ago, I wrote about this issue at a time when it had not yet reached the judicial level it faces today. Back then, the conversation moved through administrative decisions, public debate, and political resistance. It was unresolved, but it had not yet reached this point.
That has now changed.
Lambda Legal appeared before the 1st U.S. Court of Appeals in Boston, urging the court to uphold a lower court ruling that requires the government of Puerto Rico to issue birth certificates that accurately reflect the identities of nonbinary individuals. The appeal follows a district court decision that found the denial of such recognition to be a violation of the U.S. Constitution.
This marks a turning point. The issue is no longer theoretical. A court has already determined that unequal treatment exists.
The argument presented by the plaintiffs is grounded in Puerto Rico’s own legal framework. Identity birth certificates are not static historical records. They are functional documents used in everyday life. They are required to access employment, education, and essential services. Their purpose is practical, not symbolic.
Within that framework, the exclusion of nonbinary individuals does not stem from a legal limitation. Puerto Rico already allows gender marker corrections on birth certificates for transgender individuals under the precedent established in Arroyo Gonzalez v. Rosselló Nevares. In addition, the current Civil Code recognizes the existence of identity documents that reflect a person’s lived identity beyond the original birth record.
The issue lies in how the law is applied.
Recognition is granted within specific categories, while those who do not identify within that binary structure remain excluded. That exclusion is now at the center of this case.
Lambda Legal’s position is straightforward. Requiring individuals to carry documents that do not reflect who they are forces them into misrepresentation in essential aspects of daily life. This creates practical barriers, exposes them to scrutiny, and places them in a constant state of vulnerability.
The plaintiffs, who were born in Puerto Rico, have made clear that access to accurate identification is not symbolic. It is a basic condition for moving through the world without contradiction imposed by the state.
The fact that this case is now being addressed in the federal court system adds another layer of significance. This is not a pending policy discussion or a legislative proposal. It is a constitutional question. The analysis is not about political preference, but about rights and equal protection under the law.
This case does not exist in isolation.
It unfolds within a broader context in which debates over identity and rights have increasingly been shaped by the growing influence of conservative perspectives in public policy, both in the United States and in Puerto Rico. At the local level, this influence has been reflected in legislative discussions where religious arguments have begun to intersect with decisions that should be grounded in constitutional principles. That intersection creates tension around the separation of church and state and has direct consequences for access to rights.
Recognizing this context is not an attack on faith or religious practice. It is an acknowledgment that when certain perspectives move into the realm of public authority, they can shape outcomes that affect specific communities.
From within Puerto Rico, this is not a distant debate. It is a lived reality. It is present in the difficulty of presenting identification that does not match one’s identity, and in the consequences that follow in workplaces, schools, and government spaces.
The progression of this case introduces the possibility of change within the applicable legal framework. Not because it resolves every tension surrounding the issue, but because it establishes a legal examination of a practice that has long operated under exclusion.
Eight months ago, the conversation centered on ongoing developments. Today, there is already a judicial finding that identifies a violation of rights. What remains is whether that finding will be upheld on appeal.
That process does not guarantee an immediate outcome, but it shifts the ground.
The debate is no longer theoretical.
It is now before the courts.
National
LGBTQ community explores arming up during heated political times
Interest in gun ownership has increased since Donald Trump returned to office
By JOHN-JOHN WILLIAMS IV | As the child of a father who hunted, Vera Snively shied away from firearms, influenced by her mother’s aversion to guns.
Now, the 18-year-old Westminster electrician goes to the shooting range at least once a month. She owns a rifle and a shotgun, and plans to get a handgun when she turns 21.
“I want to be able to defend my community, especially being in political spaces and queer spaces,” said Snively, a trans woman. “It’s just having that extra line of safety, having that extra peace of mind would be important to me.”
Snively is among what some say is a growing number of LGBTQ gun owners across the United States. Gun rights organizations and advocates say interest in gun ownership appears to have increased in that community since President Donald Trump returned to the White House last year.
The rest of this article can be read on the Baltimore Banner’s website.
Tennessee
Tenn. lawmakers pass transgender “watch list” bill
State Senate to consider measure on Wednesday
The Tennessee House of Representatives passed a bill last week to create a transgender “watch list” that also pushes detransition medical treatment. The state Senate will consider it on Wednesday.
House Bill 754/State Bill 676 has been deemed “ugly” by LGBTQ advocates and criticized by healthcare information litigators as a major privacy concern.
The bill would require “gender clinics accepting funds from this state to perform gender transition procedures to also perform detransition procedures; requires insurance entities providing coverage of gender transition procedures to also cover detransition procedures; requires certain gender clinics and insurance entities to report information regarding detransition procedures to the department of health.”
It would require that any gender-affirming care-providing clinics share the date, age, and sex of patients; any drugs prescribed (dosage, frequency, duration, and method administered); the state and county; the name, contact information, and medical specialty of the healthcare professional who prescribed the treatment; and any past medical history related to “neurological, behavioral, or mental health conditions.” It would also mandate additional information if surgical intervention is prescribed, including details on which healthcare professional made a referral and when.
HB 0754 would also require the state to produce a “comprehensive annual statistical report,” with all collected data shared with the heads of the legislature and the legislative librarian, and eventually published online for public access.
The bill also reframes detransitioning as a major focus of gender-affirming healthcare — despite studies showing that the number of trans people who detransition is statistically quite low, around 13 percent, and is often the result of external pressures (such as discrimination or family) rather than an issue with their gender identity.
This legislation stands in sharp contrast to federal protections restricting what healthcare information can be shared. In 1996, Congress passed the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, or HIPAA, requiring protections for all “individually identifiable health information,” including medical records, conversations, billing information, and other patient data.
Margaret Riley, professor of law, public health sciences, and public policy at the University of Virginia, has written about similar efforts at the federal level, noting the Trump-Vance administration’s push to subpoena multiple hospitals’ records of gender-affirming care for trans patients despite no claims — or proof — that a crime was committed.
It has “sown fear and concern, both among people whose information is sought and among the doctors and other providers who offer such care. Some health providers have reportedly decided to no longer provide gender-affirming care to minors as a result of the inquiries, even in states where that care is legal.” She wrote in an article on the Conversation, where she goes further, pointing out that the push, mostly from conservative members of the government, are pushing extracting this private information “while giving no inkling of any alleged crimes that may have been committed.”
State Rep. Jeremy Faison (R-Cosby), the bill’s sponsor, said in a press conference two weeks ago that he has met dozens of individuals who sought to transition genders and ultimately detransitioned. In committee, an individual testified in support of the bill, claiming that while insurance paid for gender-affirming care, detransition care was not covered.
“I believe that we as a society are going to look back on this time that really burst out in 2014 and think, ‘Dear God, What were we thinking? This was as dumb as frontal lobotomies,’” Faison said of gender-affirming care. “I think we’re going to look back on society one day and think that.”
Jennifer Levi, GLAD Law’s senior director of Transgender and Queer Rights, shared with PBS last year that legislation like this changes the entire concept of HIPAA rights for trans Americans in ways that are invasive and unnecessary.
“It turns doctor-patient confidentiality into government surveillance,” Levi said, later emphasizing this will cause fewer people to seek out the care that they need. “It’s chilling.”
The Washington Blade reached out to the American Civil Liberties Union of Tennessee, which shared this statement from Executive Director Miriam Nemeth:
“HB 754/SB 676 continues the ugly legacy of Tennessee legislators’ attacks on the lives of transgender Tennesseans. Most Tennesseans, regardless of political views, oppose government databases tracking medical decisions made between patients and their doctors. The same should be true here. The state does not threaten to end the livelihood of doctors and fine them $150,000 for safeguarding the sensitive information of people with diabetes, depression, cancer, or other conditions. Trans people and intersex people deserve the same safety, privacy, and equal treatment under the law as everyone else.”



