Opinions
What the court didn’t do in DOMA case
Many challenges lie ahead in aftermath of historic decisions

On June 26, 2013, the Supreme Court issued two of the most important LGBT-related decisions in U.S. history. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)
On June 26, 2013, the Supreme Court issued two of the most important LGBT-related decisions in U.S. history. In Hollingsworth v. Perry the court essentially reinstated marriage for same-sex couples in California (and California has already allowed those marriages) and in Windsor v. United States it held that the federal government is required to recognize marriages between same-sex couples.
It’s also important to note what it did not do. The court did not require that all states recognize valid marriages between same-sex couples, and it did not require that every state allow marriages between same-sex couples. The court left the question of whether same-sex couples have a constitutional right to marry for another day.
There are two major things to consider from the Supreme Court’s marriage decisions. The first is what do these decisions mean for married same-sex couples, and the second is what do these decisions mean for ongoing attempts to eliminate discrimination against the LGBT community? Although it will take some time to find answers, in the few short weeks since the decisions were announced, we have already seen significant movement to recognize all marriages between same-sex couples.
The main question confronting the federal government is whether it will adopt the “place of celebration” (where a couple got married, including foreign countries) or “place of domicile” (where the couple lives) rule to determine whether the marriage is valid. For example, those couples that live in states and jurisdictions that have marriage equality (recognition states), like the District of Columbia and Maryland, will certainly be considered married for all federal purposes as their marriages are valid under both “place of celebration” and “place of domicile” rules. However, married same-sex couples who live in Virginia (a non-recognition state) will have to see whether the “place of celebration” or the “place of domicile” rule will govern the federal benefit they are seeking.
After Windsor, President Obama directed all federal agencies to review their policies to come up with a plan to implement marriage equality on the federal level as soon as possible. A number of federal agencies have already issued their own marriage definition policies. The Office of Personnel Management (OPM) published guidance that says that the “place of ‘celebration’ rule will determine the validity of a marriage for all federal employees. This means that any federal employee married to a same-sex spouse, no matter where the employee lives, is married for federal government purposes.
Federal employees should immediately contact their Human Resources departments to apply for any benefits for which they may now be eligible. The federal government has indicated that the Windsor decision will be considered a “qualifying event” so federal employees have 60 days to revisit their benefit choices.
The United States Citizen and Immigration Services (USCIS) has also said that “place of celebration” will determine the validity of a marriage for immigration purposes. That means that bi-national same-sex married couples, no matter where they currently live, will be treated the same as opposite-sex married couples. In fact, a deportation of a foreign spouse underway prior to Windsor was stopped, and a gay male foreign spouse in Florida has been approved for a green card under the new immigration policy.
Chuck Hagel, the Secretary of Defense, has said that the military will treat all married couples the same, no matter where they got married, using the “place of celebration” rule. This means that military spouses will have rights to health insurance, base housing, ID cards, on-base shopping privileges, burial at Arlington Cemetery and more. Eligibility for Social Security benefits, however, has historically depended on the “place of domicile” rule. We are waiting for further developments in this area.
It seems clear that in the end, the federal government will adopt an across-the-board “place of celebration” rule for eligibility for all federal benefits relating to marriage. Any other policy would be untenable. This policy would give married couples access to more than 1,000 rights and responsibilities on the federal level.
Locally, the University of Maryland has said that as of July 31, 2013, it will treat all married couples, whether same-sex or opposite-sex, equally. Other institutions are also coming out with their own policies on how married same-sex couples will be treated. But, the marriage of a same-sex couple that lives in a “recognition” state (D.C., Maryland and Delaware locally), should be valid for all purposes, state, local and federal. Anything less would be discrimination forbidden under Windsor.
Married couples with children however, should still do second-parent adoptions if they are available, and complete their estate planning as the Windsor decision DOES NOT require all states to recognize any legal relationships based on the couples’ marriages. As before, it is absolutely crucial to obtain court orders granting these legal relationships separate from the marriage.
If you haven’t married, but have been waiting for the fall of DOMA, contact your lawyer to discuss the implications of the Windsor decision for you. Make sure you know all of the implications before you take the big step. If you are married and work for a state government or private employer, and you live in a recognition state — again, D.C., Delaware and Maryland locally — also contact your employer to make sure all of your coverages are what you want. Do this as soon as possible.
Although the Supreme Court cases did not impact the 29 states with constitutional amendments and laws prohibiting marriage equality, Windsor and Perry opened the door for challenges to those laws, and for arguments that those states must recognize valid marriages between same-sex couples. We are already seeing immediate and significant litigation around marriage equality. Marriage equality cases have been filed in Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Ohio, and Pennsylvania, and will be filed shortly in Virginia. There is continuing litigation in Michigan, Illinois and New Jersey around these issues.
The fact that same-sex marriages will be recognized on the federal level is, of course, extremely important. But, to me, how the court got to this decision may be even more important because of what the court’s legal analysis means for future cases. Everyone expected DOMA to be struck down, but on the basis of states’ rights — that each state could decide for itself whether it would have marriage equality. But instead of states’ rights, the court based its decision on Equal Protection, a constitutional protection for groups that are targets of social animus. That opens the door for challenges to ANY law discriminating against lesbians and gay men. Even Justice Anton Scalia recognized this. Here’s what he said:
“In my opinion, however, the view that this Court will take of state prohibition of same-sex marriage is indicated beyond mistaking by today’s opinion. As I have said, the real rationale of today’s opinion, whatever disappearing trail of its legalistic argle-bargle one chooses to follow, is that DOMA is motivated by ” ‘bare . . . desire to harm'” couples in same-sex marriages. Supra, at 18. How easy it is, indeed how inevitable, to reach the same conclusion with regard to state laws denying same-sex couples marital status.”
One of the only times I hope he’s right!
Michele Zavos is a long-time lesbian activist attorney and founder and principal of the Zavos Juncker Law Group, PLLC, which practices in all three area jurisdictions.
Opinions
New research shows coming out is still risky
A time of profound psychological vulnerability
Coming out is often celebrated as a joyful milestone – a moment of truth, pride, and liberation. For many LGBTQ+ people, that’s exactly what it becomes. But new research I co-authored, published in the journal Pediatrics this month, shows that the period surrounding a young person’s first disclosure of their sexual identity is also a time of profound psychological vulnerability. It’s a fragile window we are not adequately protecting.
Using data from a national sample of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people, our study examined what happens in the years before and after someone comes out to a family member or a straight friend. We weren’t looking at broad lifetime trends or comparing LGBTQ+ youth to heterosexual peers. Instead, we looked within each person’s life. We wanted to understand how their own suicide risk changed around the moment they first disclosed who they are.
The results were unmistakable. In the year a person came out, their likelihood of having suicidal thoughts, developing a suicide plan, or attempting suicide increased sharply. Those increases were not small. Suicide planning rose by 10 to 12 percentage points. Suicide attempts increased by 6 percentage points. And the elevated risk didn’t fade quickly. It continued in the years that followed.
I want to be very clear about what these results mean: coming out itself is not the cause of suicidality. The act of disclosure does not harm young people. What harms them is the fear of rejection, the stress of navigating relationships that suddenly feel uncertain, and the emotional fallout when people they love respond with confusion, disapproval, or hostility.
In other words, young LGBTQ+ people are not inherently vulnerable. We make them vulnerable.
And this is happening even as our culture has grown more affirming, at least on the surface. One of the most surprising findings in our study was that younger generations showed larger increases in suicide risk around coming out compared to older generations. These are young people who grew up with marriage equality, LGBTQ+ celebrities, Pride flags in classrooms, and messaging that “it gets better.”
So why are they struggling more?
I think it’s, in part, because expectations have changed. When a young person grows up hearing that their community is increasingly accepted, they may expect support from family and friends. When that support does not come, or comes with hesitation, discomfort, or mixed messages, the disappointment is often devastating. Visibility without security can intensify vulnerability.
Compounding this vulnerability is the broader political environment. Over the last several years, LGBTQ+ youth have watched adults in positions of power debate their legitimacy, restrict their rights, and question their place in schools, sports, and even their own families. While our study did not analyze political factors directly, it is impossible to separate individual experiences from a climate that routinely targets LGBTQ+ young people in legislative hearings, news cycles, and social media.
When you’re 14 or 15 years old and deciding who to tell about your identity, the world around you matters.
But the most important takeaway from our study is this: support is important. The presence, or absence of family acceptance is typically one of the strongest predictors of whether young people thrive after coming out. Research consistently shows that when parents respond with love, curiosity, and affirmation, young people experience better mental health, stronger resilience, and lower suicide risk. When families reject their children, the consequences can be life-threatening.
Support doesn’t require perfect language or expertise. It requires listening. It requires pausing before reacting out of fear or unfamiliarity. It requires recognizing that a young person coming out is not asking you to change everything about your beliefs. They’re asking you to hold them through one of the most vulnerable moments of their life.
Schools, too, have an enormous role to play. LGBTQ+-inclusive curricula, student groups, and clear protections against harassment create safer environments for disclosure.
Health care settings must also do better. Providers should routinely screen for mental health needs among LGBTQ+ youth, especially around the time of identity disclosure, and offer culturally competent care.
And as a community, we need to tell a more honest story about coming out. Yes, it can be liberating. Yes, it can be beautiful. But it can also be terrifying. Instead of pretending it’s always a rainbow-filled rite of passage, we must acknowledge its risks and surround young people with the support they deserve.
Coming out should not be a crisis moment. It should not be a turning point toward despair. If anything, it should be the beginning of a young person’s journey toward authenticity and joy.
That future is possible. But it depends on all of us – parents, educators, clinicians, policymakers, and LGBTQ+ adults ourselves – committing to make acceptance a daily practice.
Young LGBTQ+ people are watching. And in the moment they need us most, they must not fall into silence or struggle alone.
Harry Barbee, Ph.D., is an assistant professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Their research and teaching focus on LGBTQ+ health, aging, and public policy.
Letter-to-the-Editor
Candidates should pledge to nominate LGBTQ judge to Supreme Court
Presidential, Senate hopefuls need to go on the record
As soon as the final votes are cast and counted and verified after the November 2026 elections are over, the 2028 presidential cycle will begin in earnest. Polls, financial aid requests, and volunteer opportunities ad infinitum will flood the public and personal media. There will be more issues than candidates in both parties. The rending of garments and mudslinging will be both interesting and maybe even amusing as citizens will watch how candidates react to each and every issue of the day.
There is one particular item that I am hoping each candidate will be asked whether in private or in public. If a Supreme Court vacancy occurs in your potential administration, will you nominate an open and qualified LGBTQ to join the remaining eight?
Other interest groups on both sides have made similar demands over the years and have had them honored. Is it not time that our voices are raised as well? There are several already sitting judges on both state and federal benches that have either been elected statewide or approved by the U.S. Senate.
Our communities are being utilized and abused on judicial menus. Enough already! Challenge each and every candidate, regardless of their party with our honest question and see if honest answers are given. By the way … no harm in asking the one-third of the U.S. Senate candidates too who will be on ballots. Looking forward to any candidate tap dancing!
Opinions
2026 elections will bring major changes to D.C. government
Mayor’s office, multiple Council seats up for grabs
Next year will be a banner year for elections in D.C. The mayor announced she will not run. Two Council members, Anita Bonds, At-large, and Brianne Nadeau, Ward 1, have announced they will not run. Waiting for Del. Norton to do the same, but even if she doesn’t, there will be a real race for that office.
So far, Robert White, Council member at-large, and Brooke Pinto, Council member Ward 2, are among a host of others, who have announced. If one of these Council members should win, there would be a special election for their seat. If Kenyon McDuffie, Council member at-large, announces for mayor as a Democrat, which he is expected to do, he will have to resign his seat on the Council as he fills one of the non-Democratic seats there. Janeese George, Ward 4 Council member, announced she is running for mayor. Should she win, there would be a special election for her seat. Another special election could happen if Trayon White, Ward 8, is convicted of his alleged crimes, when he is brought to trial in January. Both the Council chair, and attorney general, have announced they are seeking reelection, along with a host of other offices that will be on the ballot.
Many of the races could look like the one in Ward 1 where at least six people have already announced. They include three members of the LGBTQ community. It seems the current leader in that race is Jackie Reyes Yanes, a Latina activist, not a member of the LGBTQ community, who worked for Mayor Fenty as head of the Latino Affairs Office, and for Mayor Bowser as head of the Office of Community Affairs. About eight, including the two Council members, have already announced they are running for the delegate seat.
I am often asked by candidates for an endorsement. The reason being my years as a community, LGBTQ, and Democratic, activist; and my ability to endorse in my column in the Washington Blade. The only candidate I endorsed so far is Phil Mendelson, for Council chair. While he and I don’t always agree on everything, he’s a staunch supporter of the LGBTQ community, a rational person, and we need someone with a steady hand if there really are six new Council members, out of the 13.
When candidates call, they realize I am a policy wonk. My unsolicited advice to all candidates is: Do more than talk in generalities, be specific and honest as to what you think you can do, if elected. Candidates running for a legislative office, should talk about what bills they will support, and then what new ones they will introduce. What are the first three things you will focus on for your constituents, if elected. If you are running against an incumbent, what do you think you can do differently than the person you hope to replace? For any new policies and programs you propose, if there is a cost, let constituents know how you intend to pay for them. Take the time to learn the city budget, and how money is currently being spent. The more information you have at your fingertips, the smarter you sound, and voters respect that, at least many do. If you are running for mayor, you need to develop a full platform, covering all the issues the city will face, something I have helped a number of previous mayors do. The next mayor will continue to have to deal with the felon in the White House. He/she/they will have to ensure he doesn’t try to eliminate home rule. The next mayor will have to understand how to walk a similar tightrope Mayor Bowser has balanced so effectively.
Currently, the District provides lots of public money to candidates. If you decide to take it, know the details. The city makes it too easy to get. But while it is available, take advantage of it. One new variable in this election is the implementation of rank-choice voting. It will impact how you campaign. If you attack another candidate, you may not be the second, or even third, choice, of their strongest supporters.
Each candidate needs a website. Aside from asking for donations and volunteers, it should have a robust issues section, biography, endorsements, and news. One example I share with candidates is my friend Zach Wahls’s website. He is running for United States Senate from Iowa. It is a comprehensive site, easy to navigate, with concise language, and great pictures. One thing to remember is that D.C. is overwhelmingly Democratic. Chances are the winner of the Democratic primary will win the general election.
Potential candidates should read the DCBOE calendar. Petitions will be available at the Board of Elections on Jan. 23, with the primary on June 16th, and general election on Nov. 3. So, ready, set, go!
Peter Rosenstein is a longtime LGBTQ rights and Democratic Party activist.
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