Opinions
The Past and Present of Nate Parker
Rape, racial justice, and rehabilitation are on Hollywood’s doorstep
Nate Parker is the breakout director and star of the much-anticipated film “The Birth of a Nation,” due out in October, a century after D.W. Griffith’s racist movie of the same name. It emerged at the Sundance Film Festival as a compelling film about the 1831 Nat Turner rebellion. But it has been overshadowed by the terrible way Parker and Fox Searchlight addressed Parker’s 2001 acquittal in a rape case in which he and college wrestling teammate (now co-writer) Jean Celestin had sex with a drunk woman. The studio showed more concern for the film’s Oscar chances than for the woman, who killed herself in 2012.
The controversy over Parker’s past sparks a memory from my own. I was 25. An older man invited me to dinner at his home in Southwest DC, where he spoke animatedly of how composer Leonard Bernstein had once spent a day with him giving insights into “Mass,” the theatre piece he composed for the opening of the Kennedy Center.
My host kept refilling my drink as the evening wore on. I finally said I needed to go, by which point I was plastered. He said I was in no condition to walk home, and urged me to stay over. But he wanted sex, and I did not. I thanked him and began my unsteady walk home. I had never been in that condition. As a student at Villanova, I had been the one who stayed late at a party so my friends finishing the keg had someone sober to see them safely back across Lancaster Avenue.
I would likely have been raped that night in Southwest had my survival instinct not propelled me out the door. But I would not have called it that; I would have felt foolish and blamed myself. I did not then have Beverly Johnson’s vivid description in Vanity Fair of the day she realized Bill Cosby had given her a cup of drugged cappuccino. She cursed him and escaped.
Being impaired by drugs or alcohol does not give permission to others to take sexual advantage of you, any more than the unjust barriers to getting a rape conviction make the accused morally innocent. Parker’s acquittal was partly based on his accuser having previously given him oral sex. But as 22-year-old Nafisa Ahmed tweeted, “Just because I gave you $5 in the past, doesn’t mean I have to give you $5 in the future.” The optics were not improved by Celestin joining in, as if he found tempting leftovers in the fridge.
Despite the controversy, I am eager to see Parker’s film on its own merits. I have never been a big proponent of boycotts as an activist tactic. I prefer engagement to disengagement. Yet I respect that boycotts are a legitimate tool of activism.
I have other differences with Parker. He associates homosexuality with what he disparagingly calls the feminization of black men. At a time when producer and director Lee Daniels is breaking ground with gay characters in his television series “Empire,” Parker’s homophobia is sadly dated.
Parker’s film redresses a century-old artistic crime in the portrayal of our nation’s racist past. Birther-in-Chief Donald Trump’s thinly veiled white supremacist presidential campaign shows that the past is not even past.
But the value of art does not excuse wrongdoing by an artist. I feel little sympathy for these men after reading the details of the case. They need to show more contrition and atonement. Still, Parker was acquitted of the rape charge. Celestin won on appeal, though not on the substance.
And there are blatant racial double standards. Roman Polanski fled the United States in 1978 after pleading guilty to “Unlawful Sexual Intercourse with a minor” in a plea bargain. Yet he won an Oscar for Best Director in 2002 for “The Pianist,” which he could not come to America to receive.
Our understanding of sexual consent has fortunately evolved, though the deck remains stacked against women making rape accusations. At the same time, I have to ask: doesn’t an African American artist deserve the same chance for rehabilitation that was extended to a white one? I have no easy solution, just questions and an old memory of vulnerability.
Richard J. Rosendall is a writer and activist. He can be reached at [email protected].
Copyright Ā© 2016 by Richard J. Rosendall. All rights reserved.
We should know what it is about the various parties that keep some who call themselves āindependentā from registering as a member. Are they so unhappy with the Democratic, Republican, Green, Workers, or other parties in their state? Each state may recognize different parties, and have different requirements to get a ballot line for a particular party. So, the questions may be slightly different depending on where the voter, who claims to be an independent, lives.
The media are doing a poor job of dealing with the detail when they focus on those who call themselves independents. They need to ask different questions than they now do. They need to get to the bottom of why a person would rather call themselves an independent, instead of joining a political party. One thing we would want to know is do they have a set of principles and positions so different from any existing party, that they would want to make up a new party? Would they be willing to do the work to get that new party on the ballot in their state?
If the answer is no, they would not be willing to work to get a new party in their state, then the first question to ask the voter is, āWhat does being an independent mean to you?ā They should ask them what they believe that stops them from joining an existing political party? What are the principles they have that arenāt represented by any existing party? Then the follow up questions should include: Is there a party they lean to? Is there a party they currently would not consider supporting under any condition?
We are living in interesting times to say the least. Intelligent people should realize there will never be one candidate of any party, who meets all their expectations. So today when any independent is interviewed on TV, or in newspapers, the first question they are asked should be, āis there any candidate running today who has a set of positions you could never vote for?ā The second question should be āis there any candidate today whose personal history makes him/her one you could never vote for?ā Their answers to those questions would then lead to the next ones, giving the viewer of a TV interview, or reader of a newspaper interview, a greater understanding and potential to make sense of what the person being interviewed is really thinking.
If the independent voter says he/she canāt vote for Trump, then you focus on what they want to hear from Harris to get their vote. What she needs to say to them that she hasnāt. Then maybe ask if they have read the Democratic platform which Harris endorses, or looked at her website. Ask them what in the administration she has been a part of, and the votes she actually cast in the Senate, both as senator, and as vice president to break ties, they disagree with? Then, the follow up to that might be, āwould you consider not voting?ā If they say yes, the interviewer might suggest to them if you donāt consider Trump acceptable, and you donāt vote for Harris, are you in essence helping Trump? Would that make a difference to you? Getting answers to these questions may be a better way to understand what it means to some to be independent.
There is an initiative on the ballot in D.C. to allow āindependentsā to vote in party primaries. They would not have to indicate they are a member of the party to vote. In D.C., the questions being asked of independents who support this is āwhy should they help choose the person who will represent a party in the general election, if they donāt even believe in the party enough to join it?ā
In D.C. itās easy to join a party even just to vote in its primary. If you are a registered voter, but havenāt chosen a party, you can register to join a party up to 21 days before the primary. Anyone listening to the candidates debate the issues will know by then if they want to cast a ballot for one of them. Unfortunately, this initiative has been paired with another proposal giving D.C. ranked choice voting. So there wonāt be a clear outcome on whether people like either one of the proposals and because of their being joined, the initiative will most likely be defeated.
Independents are here to stay. We all need to better understand what each person means when calling themselves that.
Opinions
Federal commission acknowledges violence against transgender women of color
Commissioner Glenn D. Magpantay to present findings to Congress on Wednesday
I donāt think President Eisenhower ever thought of transgender people when the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights was founded in 1957.Ā But today the horrific killings of transgender women of color is too much to be ignored. In 2018, 82 percent of recorded transgender homicides were of women of color.
So it was critical that the commission examine the violence against transgender women of color as part of its larger investigation of racial disparities among crime victims.
Today, on Wednesday, Sept. 18, as a commissioner, I am proud to present to Congress and the White House our findings and my recommendations to address the rising violence and killings of transgender women of color.
The commissionās report, and its documentation of this violence, recognizes transgender women of color under federal law.Ā They are entitled to all of the protections of the Constitution and federal civil rights laws.Ā Ā
Over the past year, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights investigated racial disparities in crime victimization as violent crime rose from 2017-2021. The commissionās investigation did not find differences in the risk of victimization for different races at a national level, as some might have suggested. But the data shows that LGBTQ+ and transgender communities of color are at a higher risk of violent crime.
Transgender people, especially transgender African Americans face persistent and pervasive discrimination and violence. Kierra Johnson, the executive director of the National LGBTQ Task Force, testified in how transgender individuals are victimized four times more often than non-trans people, with young Black and Latina transgender women at the highest risk.Ā It was historic for the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights to recognize that sexual and/or gender minorities face increased risk for violent victimization.Ā
Still, we must more accurately capture the rates of violent victimization against LGBTQ+ people.Ā There are inadequate data collection measures of gender and sexuality. A large percentage of Black transgender deaths are unaccounted for.Ā
Transgender homicides are likely undercounted for because of misgendering and ādeadnamingā in police and media reports. Audacia Ray at the New York City Anti-Violence Project, explained that transgender individuals often do not share their legal names so when they are reported missing under their known name, their loved ones do not know what happens.
The Civil Rights Act of 1964 only considers āsexā and does not look at āgenderā or āsexual orientation.āĀ So as the commission advises Congress and the federal agencies on the enforcement of modern civil rights, we must incorporate āraceā and āgenderā under our civil rights purview.Ā The FBIās Uniform Crime Reporting Program should include disaggregated data on sexual and gender identity.Ā Ā
Transgender and gender-diverse victims of crime are unable to access crucial assistance and vital services.Ā The commissionās investigation formally documented how LGBTQ overall, and especially those of color or transgender experience, continued to face discrimination and harassment by law enforcement. The U.S. Transgender Survey, found that 61 percent of Black respondents experienced some form of mistreatment by police, including being verbally harassed, or physically or sexually assaulted.Ā
Victim service providers testified that LGBTQ+ survivors hesitate to seek help because of fear of being blamed themselves; distrust or discrimination by the police; and expectations of indifference. Survivors of violence ā of any race, sexual orientation, gender, or gender-identity ā must be able to receive essential services and assistance to help them heal from the trauma of violence.Ā Mandatory and proper training for law enforcement and victim service providers can help victims feel safe when reporting incidents.Ā
Queer and trans Americans often fear retaliation by a world where they are living their true selves. The intersectional experiences of race exacerbates this fear.Ā Our federal government needs to do more to ensure that all marginalized communities are better protected in our society.Ā
I never would have imagined that a federally authorized report to Congress would have the powerful statement on its public record āBlack Trans Lives Matter!āĀ That was until Kierra Johnson of the National LGBTQ Task Force said āI am here to say that Black Trans Lives Matter!āĀ I am proud of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rightsās report to Congress and the country on the rise of violent crime in America and its highlights of the violence against transgender women of color.Ā
Glenn D. Magpantay is a member of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, an independent, bipartisan federal agency that advises the White House and Congress on federal civil rights policy. The views expressed herein are as a commissioner, Magpantayās own, and does not represent the entire commission.
Commentary
LGBTQ communities around the world embrace antisemitism
Political opposition towards Israeli government has turned into Middle Ages-style bigotry
āI stopped reading Facebook feeds,ā one of my queer Jewish American friends told me. I wonāt say their name, but they are one of the many who showed similar sentiments.
We were speaking about increasing antisemitism among the LGBTQ community, and they were devastated.
Unfortunately, recent events in the Gaza Strip caused a peculiar situation when all Jewish people are blamed for the brutal response of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government; and LGBTQ Jews faced microaggression and direct violence, get insulted and attacked, even at Prides.
First and foremost, I want to say that indiscriminate slaughtering of Gazan civilians is definitely a war crime that should be condemned and avoided in the future, but there are a lot of articles written on this topic by others who are more competent on this topic. This time I deliberately wouldnāt discuss Hamas and Israeli politicians here, because this story is not about them ā this story is about the way the LGBTQ community is treating their Jewish siblings right now.
There are not so many visible queer politicians among Netanyahu supporters, and they are not spending time in social media queer groups.
Moreover, right-wing LGBTQ people with connections to the Israeli government don’t care much about LGBTQ communities in the US, the UK, or Russia.
LGBTQ people who suffer from everyday antisemitism are the ones who need community the most. Unfortunately, we live in a world where many families donāt accept their LGBTQ children, and for many queer people, the LGBTQ community became the only family support they had.
And now antisemitism is taking this support away.
Why political opposition toward the Israeli government turned into Middle Ages-style bigotry is a very good question that doesnāt have a simple answer.
Double standards
For a person who is not deeply into political and social issues, this situation may seem quite typical. After all, people are often used to judging the whole nation based on what their government did, right? Actually, wrong.
As a person from Ukraine, I may say that I spoke a lot about the Russian-Ukrainian war with LGBTQ and progressive activists in the West, and most of them showed enormous levels of compassion to āordinary Russians,” despite the fact that the vast majority of the Russian population supports the Russian-Ukrainian war. Moreover, even after Russia in 2022 deliberately bombed the Mariupol Theater with Ukrainian children inside, Russians en masse weren’t called āchild killersā by the American and European LGBTQ communities, and Russian activists still welcomed at Prides.
So it is definitely not about bombing children.
Also, all LGBTQ organizations in the US, UK, and European Union known to me that now openly support Palestine and call themselves anti-Zionists have never openly spoken up against concentration camps, ethnic cleansing, and the genocide of Muslim Uyghur populations in East Turkestan, which is under Chinese occupation right now.
But LGBTQ groups and activists have never called themselves anti-Chinese, didn’t create a āqueer for Eastern Turkistanā movement, and didnāt push Chinese LGBTQ people on campus to condemn the actions of the Chinese government.
So, it is also not about fighting Islamophobia.
What is it about? I have been a refugee in three different countries, and I have been involved in LGBTQ activism in some way in Russia, Ukraine, the UK, and the US, and I may say that antisemitism in LGBTQ communities exists in all those countries in some way.
And in different cultural contexts, antisemitism represents itself differently among LGBTQ people.
Eastern European antisemitism
Me and three other LGBTQ activists in 2018 held a small demonstration in the middle of St. Petersburg on Victory Day, a big state-promoted holiday when Russians celebrate the Soviet victory over Nazism. We were holding posters about the common threats between Nazi Germany and the modern Russian Federation, including the persecution of LGBTQ people.
Suddenly, a very respected-looking man came to us, blaming us for an anti-Russian Western conspiracy just because we criticized the Russian government, and then started to say that the Holocaust never happened. When I yelled back at this man, telling him that Iām partly Jewish and daring him to repeat his antisemitic accusation, the man announced that Jews āpaid to live in Auschwitz, so later they would create their own state.ā
No one said anything against this man, but Russians were angry with me for āspoiling a holiday.ā
Holocaust denial and everyday antisemitism are extremely prominent in Eastern Europe, from Poland to Russia. It is especially strong in Russia.
Russian pride about āvictory over Nazisā is not about fighting Nazi ideology, but rather about being proud of a Soviet legacy. Simplifying Nazis is bad only because they killed Russian Soviets.
Even in state Russian Orthodox Churches, you could buy the āProtocol of the Elders of Zionā Nazi propaganda book.
LGBTQ activists in Russia are generally less antisemitic than the majority of the population, but all the same, they were raised in this culture, so they allow themselves antisemitic jokes and sometimes share Russian supremacy ideas.
So, for them, anti-Zionism is just another, new, and more appropriate way to hate Jews, and they didnāt even try to hide antisemitic rhetoric, especially because many prominent Jewish LGBTQ people moved to Israel or to the US, so the community is mostly non-Jewish.
Western European and American antisemitism
The situation is quite different in America and Western Europe.
āWhy are you supporting Palestine in a way you have never supported people from other war zones, including any other Muslim lands?ā I asked my friend and activist from Sheffield in the UK.
āBecause there is a first time in modern history when a country committed such an attack against civilians!ā They answered me. āEspecially with our governmentās support.ā
I closed my eyes, suddenly remembering the Iraqi city of Mosul that was wiped out to the ground by US-led allies, killing not just ISIS fighters, but also peaceful townsfolk stuck under the occupation of the self-proclaimed ācaliphate,ā or the Syrian town of Baqhuz Fawqani, where families of ISIS fighters, including babies and pregnant women, were bombed together with Syrian civilians.
And to mention, once again, Russian āclearingā operations and bombings in Chechnya and Ukraine, Syrian President Bashar al-Assadās crimes against his own people in Syria, crimes committed by ISIS, or the ongoing war in Mali.
My friend has no idea how wrong they were.
Modern wars are extremely brutal, and there is an ongoing problem of dehumanizing enemies and war crimes that need to be solved. It’s a much broader problem than just Israeliās actions, but like one of my Jewish nonbinary friends is saying, āno Jews, no news.ā
Western antisemitism in the LGBTQ community, including the idea that all Jewish people are extremely privileged white oppressors, is based on a simple ignorance, no less than on prejudice. If in Russia I saw more activists who hate Jews and just want to be anti-Jewish in a modern way, in the UK and US LGBTQ community I saw more people who are generally caring about war crimes. But they refused to make their own analysis and refused to use the same standards for Jews that they use for other minorities ā for example, not pushing them to condemn crimes they never committed.
The Palestinian rights movement has one of the biggest and more successful PR campaigns in modern history, while Jewish organizations failed to promote their agenda among non-Jewish populations.
āMost of them [LGBTQ activists and friends] don’t even know what Zionism is, to be really anti-Zionist,ā my queer American friend noticed.
But, just like in Russia, some queer people are just bigots who now could show their hate publicly in a way that wouldnāt be condemned by their community.
Ayman Eckford is a freelance journalist, and an autistic ADHDer transgender person who understands that they are trans* since they were 3-years-old.
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