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Perry shakes up GOP presidential race

Texas guv — subject of gay rumors — opposes marriage equality

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Bachmann

Rep. Michele Bachmann won an Iowa straw poll, barely edging out Rep. Ron Paul. She was later grilled on NBC’s ‘Meet the Press’ but evaded a question about whether she would hire an openly gay member to her administration. (Blade file photo by Michael Key)

Since he officially announced his candidacy for president on Aug. 13, Gov. Rick Perry (R-Texas) has reminded Republican voters of his support for a U.S. constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriage.

Perry, who has emerged as one of the three leading GOP presidential contenders, has also reminded conservative party activists that he played a lead role in helping to pass a 2005 Texas constitutional amendment banning both same-sex marriage and civil unions.

Political observers have said Perry appears to be pushing his credentials as a same-sex marriage opponent following criticism he received from social conservative leaders last month, when he said the New York State Legislature’s approval of a same-sex marriage bill could be defended on the principle of states’ rights.

“Our friends in New York six weeks ago passed a statute that said marriage can be between two people of the same sex,” Perry told an audience in Aspen, Colo. “And you know what? That’s New York, and that’s their business, and that’s fine with me,” he said.

“That is their call,” he added. “If you believe in the 10th Amendment, stay out of their business.”

Perry’s comments about the New York marriage bill drew an immediate outcry from anti-gay groups, including the Family Research Council. But in a subsequent interview with Family Research Council leader Tony Perkins, Perry noted that among his core beliefs is the view that marriage can only be between one man and one woman.

While he remains a strong supporter of states’ rights, Perry told Perkins that the approval of same-sex marriage laws in states like New York could eventually lead to a situation where all states would have to recognize those marriages.

“Indeed to not pass the federal marriage amendment would impinge on Texas and other states not to have marriage forced upon us by these activist judges and special interest groups,” he said.

Rumors that have surfaced in Texas over the past decade about Perry having an affair with a male member of his administration, and his concern over the unconfirmed reports, may explain why Perry hasn’t been as outspoken against LGBT issues as the other GOP candidates in the race, according to Michael Mitchell, executive director of National Stonewall Democrats.

The weekly Austin Chronicle, along with various state blogs, have reported on the rumors, some of which have questioned Perry’s sexual orientation. Perry’s supporters have called the rumors scurrilous, saying no evidence has ever surfaced to give them any credibility.

Perry announced his candidacy on the same day that U.S. Rep. Michele Bachmann (R-Minn.) won the Iowa straw poll among GOP presidential contenders, elevating her position in the eyes of most political pundits as one of the three “top tier” Republican presidential candidates based on polling numbers, fundraising capability and other factors.

Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, who didn’t compete in the Iowa straw poll, remains at the head of the pack of GOP presidential candidates, according to the pundits and polls. Perry is considered the other member of the top three.

Romney and Bachman have each come out strongly for a federal constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriage.

Bachmann, whose husband operates a discredited “ex-gay” counseling practice, captured 29 percent of the nearly 17,000 votes cast in the Ames, Iowa, straw poll.

Libertarian U.S. Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas), came in second with 28 percent of the vote. Former Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty came in third with 14 percent, prompting him to drop out of the presidential race.

Former Pennsylvania Sen. Rick Santorum finished fourth with 10 percent, while businessman Herman Cain came in fifth with 9 percent.

Bachmann, Paul, Santorum, Cain, and Pawlenty have each expressed opposition to same-sex marriage. Pawlenty came under fire from conservative activists when he said he supported civil unions for same-sex couples.

Dennis Coleman, executive director of the statewide LGBT group Equality Texas, said LGBT leaders in the state have yet to meet with Perry during his nearly 11 years as governor.

Perry won election as lieutenant governor in 1998 and assumed office as governor in 2000 when then-Gov. George W. Bush resigned after winning election as president. Perry won election to full terms as governor in 2002, 2006, and 2010.

Coleman said Perry this year signed two bills considered to be beneficial to the LGBT community, an anti-bullying measure and a suicide prevention measure. But Coleman noted that both bills enjoyed strong bipartisan support and did not include specific language mentioning LGBT people, even though the bills benefit LGBT youth who are subjected to bullying and susceptible to suicide.

According to Coleman and Mitchell, Perry has opposed nearly all LGBT-related bills introduced into the state legislature during his time as governor, including legislation to ban job discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.

Mitchell said Perry nevertheless has not been as outspoken in his opposition to LGBT-related issues as many of the other GOP presidential candidates, especially Bachmann and Santorum.

Christian Berle, deputy executive director of Log Cabin Republicans, a national LGBT group, praised Perry’s record in Texas on economic issues and his support for the anti-bullying and suicide prevention bills.

“We look forward to seeing Gov. Perry keep his commitment to states’ rights and the 10th Amendment when it comes to respecting the decisions of states to recognize relationships,” Berle said.

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National

United Methodist Church removes 40-year ban on gay clergy

Delegates also voted for other LGBTQ-inclusive measures

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Underground Railroad, Black History Month, gay news, Washington Blade
Mount Zion United Methodist Church is the oldest African-American church in Washington. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The United Methodist Church on Wednesday removed a ban on gay clergy that was in place for more than 40 years, voting to also allow LGBTQ weddings and end prohibitions on the use of United Methodist funds to “promote acceptance of homosexuality.” 

Overturning the policy forbidding the church from ordaining “self-avowed practicing homosexuals” effectively formalized a practice that had caused an estimated quarter of U.S. congregations to leave the church.

The New York Times notes additional votes “affirming L.G.B.T.Q. inclusion in the church are expected before the meeting adjourns on Friday.” Wednesday’s measures were passed overwhelmingly and without debate. Delegates met in Charlotte, N.C.

According to the church’s General Council on Finance and Administration, there were 5,424,175 members in the U.S. in 2022 with an estimated global membership approaching 10 million.

The Times notes that other matters of business last week included a “regionalization” plan, which gave autonomy to different regions such that they can establish their own rules on matters including issues of sexuality — about which international factions are likelier to have more conservative views.

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Federal Government

Republican state AGs challenge Biden administration’s revised Title IX policies

New rules protect LGBTQ students from discrimination

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U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona (Screen capture: AP/YouTube)

Four Republicans state attorneys general have sued the Biden-Harris administration over the U.S. Department of Education’s new Title IX policies that were finalized April 19 and carry anti-discrimination protections for LGBTQ students in public schools.

The lawsuit filed on Tuesday, which is led by the attorneys general of Kentucky and Tennessee, follows a pair of legal challenges from nine Republican states on Monday — all contesting the administration’s interpretation that sex-based discrimination under the statute also covers that which is based on the victim’s sexual orientation or gender identity.

The administration also rolled back Trump-era rules governing how schools must respond to allegations of sexual harassment and sexual assault, which were widely perceived as biased in favor of the interests of those who are accused.

“The U.S. Department of Education has no authority to let boys into girls’ locker rooms,” Tennessee Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti said in a statement. “In the decades since its adoption, Title IX has been universally understood to protect the privacy and safety of women in private spaces like locker rooms and bathrooms.”

“Florida is suing the Biden administration over its unlawful Title IX changes,” Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis wrote on social media. “Biden is abusing his constitutional authority to push an ideological agenda that harms women and girls and conflicts with the truth.”

After announcing the finalization of the department’s new rules, Education Secretary Miguel Cardona told reporters, “These regulations make it crystal clear that everyone can access schools that are safe, welcoming and that respect their rights.”

The new rule does not provide guidance on whether schools must allow transgender students to play on sports teams corresponding with their gender identity to comply with Title IX, a question that is addressed in a separate rule proposed by the agency in April.

LGBTQ and civil rights advocacy groups praised the changes. Lambda Legal issued a statement arguing the new rule “protects LGBTQ+ students from discrimination and other abuse,” adding that it “appropriately underscores that Title IX’s civil rights protections clearly cover LGBTQ+ students, as well as survivors and pregnant and parenting students across race and gender identity.”

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Federal Government

4th Circuit rules gender identity is a protected characteristic

Ruling a response to N.C., W.Va. legal challenges

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Lewis F. Powell Jr. Courthouse in Richmond, Va. (Photo courtesy of the U.S. Courts/GSA)

BY ERIN REED | The 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled Monday that transgender people are a protected class and that Medicaid bans on trans care are unconstitutional.

Furthermore, the court ruled that discriminating based on a diagnosis of gender dysphoria is discrimination based on gender identity and sex. The ruling is in response to lower court challenges against state laws and policies in North Carolina and West Virginia that prevent trans people on state plans or Medicaid from obtaining coverage for gender-affirming care; those lower courts found such exclusions unconstitutional.

In issuing the final ruling, the 4th Circuit declared that trans exclusions were “obviously discriminatory” and were “in violation of the equal protection clause” of the Constitution, upholding lower court rulings that barred the discriminatory exclusions.

The 4th Circuit ruling focused on two cases in states within its jurisdiction: North Carolina and West Virginia. In North Carolina, trans state employees who rely on the State Health Plan were unable to use it to obtain gender-affirming care for gender dysphoria diagnoses.

In West Virginia, a similar exclusion applied to those on the state’s Medicaid plan for surgeries related to a diagnosis of gender dysphoria. Both exclusions were overturned by lower courts, and both states appealed to the 4th Circuit.

Attorneys for the states had argued that the policies were not discriminatory because the exclusions for gender affirming care “apply to everyone, not just transgender people.” The majority of the court, however, struck down such a claim, pointing to several other cases where such arguments break down, such as same-sex marriage bans “applying to straight, gay, lesbian, and bisexual people equally,” even though straight people would be entirely unaffected by such bans.

Other cases cited included literacy tests, a tax on wearing kippot for Jewish people, and interracial marriage in Loving v. Virginia.

See this portion of the court analysis here:

4th Circuit rules against legal argument that trans treatment bans do not discriminate against trans people because ‘they apply to everyone.’

Of particular note in the majority opinion was a section on Geduldig v. Aiello that seemed laser-targeted toward an eventual U.S. Supreme Court decision on discriminatory policies targeting trans people. Geduldig v. Aiello, a 1974 ruling, determined that pregnancy discrimination is not inherently sex discrimination because it does not “classify on sex,” but rather, on pregnancy status.

Using similar arguments, the states claimed that gender affirming care exclusions did not classify or discriminate based on trans status or sex, but rather, on a diagnosis of gender dysphoria and treatments to alleviate that dysphoria.

The majority was unconvinced, ruling, “gender dysphoria is so intimately related to transgender status as to be virtually indistinguishable from it. The excluded treatments aim at addressing incongruity between sex assigned at birth and gender identity, the very heart of transgender status.” In doing so, the majority cited several cases, many from after Geduldig was decided.

Notably, Geduldig was cited in both the 6th and 11th Circuit decisions upholding gender affirming care bans in a handful of states.

The court also pointed to the potentially ridiculous conclusions that strict readings of what counts as proxy discrimination could lead to, such as if legislators attempted to use “XX chromosomes” and “XY chromosomes” to get around sex discrimination policies:

The 4th Circuit majority rebuts the state’s proxy discrimination argument.

Importantly, the court also rebutted recent arguments that Bostock applies only to “limited Title VII claims involving employers who fired” LGBTQ employees, and not to Title IX, which the Affordable Care Act’s anti-discrimination mandate references. The majority stated that this is not the case, and that there is “nothing in Bostock to suggest the holding was that narrow.”

Ultimately, the court ruled that the exclusions on trans care violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution. The court also ruled that the West Virginia Medicaid Program violates the Medicaid Act and the anti-discrimination provisions of the Affordable Care Act.

Additionally, the court upheld the dismissal of anti-trans expert testimony for lacking relevant expertise. West Virginia and North Carolina must end trans care exclusions in line with earlier district court decisions.

The decision will likely have nationwide impacts on court cases in other districts. The case had become a major battleground for trans rights, with dozens of states filing amicus briefs in favor or against the protection of the equal process rights of trans people. Twenty-one Republican states filed an amicus brief in favor of denying trans people anti-discrimination protections in healthcare, and 17 Democratic states joined an amicus brief in support of the healthcare rights of trans individuals.

Many Republican states are defending anti-trans laws that discriminate against trans people by banning or limiting gender-affirming care. These laws could come under threat if the legal rationale used in this decision is adopted by other circuits. In the 4th Circuit’s jurisdiction, West Virginia and North Carolina already have gender-affirming care bans for trans youth in place, and South Carolina may consider a similar bill this week.

The decision could potentially be used as precedent to challenge all of those laws in the near future and to deter South Carolina’s bill from passing into law.

The decision is the latest in a web of legal battles concerning trans people. Earlier this month, the 4th Circuit also reversed a sports ban in West Virginia, ruling that Title IX protects trans student athletes. However, the Supreme Court recently narrowed a victory for trans healthcare from the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals and allowed Idaho to continue enforcing its ban on gender-affirming care for everyone except the two plaintiffs in the case.

Importantly, that decision was not about the constitutionality of gender-affirming care, but the limits of temporary injunctions in the early stages of a constitutional challenge to discriminatory state laws. It is likely that the Supreme Court will ultimately hear cases on this topic in the near future.

Celebrating the victory, Lambda Legal Counsel and Health Care Strategist Omar Gonzalez-Pagan said in a posted statement, “The court’s decision sends a clear message that gender-affirming care is critical medical care for transgender people and that denying it is harmful and unlawful … We hope this decision makes it clear to policy makers across the country that health care decisions belong to patients, their families, and their doctors, not to politicians.” 

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Erin Reed is a transgender woman (she/her pronouns) and researcher who tracks anti-LGBTQ+ legislation around the world and helps people become better advocates for their queer family, friends, colleagues, and community. Reed also is a social media consultant and public speaker.

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The preceding article was first published at Erin In The Morning and is republished with permission.

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