Politics
Advocates see momentum for ENDA, other bills
Anti-bullying measure, marriage-related bills also on tap
Rea Carey of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force said she wants action on comprehensive immigration reform. (Photo by Kathy Plate)
As lawmakers return from August recess, advocates are anticipating movement on pro-LGBT legislation in the Senate during the upcoming weeks, although the Employment Non-Discrimination Act appears to have the most momentum.
The long-pursued legislation to bar anti-LGBT job bias passed out of committee in July on a bipartisan basis and supporters of the bill are expecting a vote sometime this fall.
Michael Cole-Schwartz, spokesperson for the Human Rights Campaign, said ENDA is the legislative focus for the organization as well as for the multi-group Americans for Workplace Opportunity campaign it formed after the panel vote.
“Obviously the congressional calendar has many agenda items but we fully expect to see a Senate vote on ENDA in the fall and we’re working with our partners in the Americans for Workplace Opportunity campaign to build support for this critical bill,” Cole-Schwartz said.
But when ENDA will come up in the Senate this fall remains unclear. The office of Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.), hasn’t responded to multiple requests from the Blade to comment on the timing for an ENDA floor vote since the bill was reported out of committee. Reid has previously pledged in a Pride statement this year to bring up the legislation “soon.”
Allison Preiss, spokesperson for the Senate Health, Education, Labor & Pensions Committee, echoed remarks from HRC by saying panel Chair Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) is hoping a vote would take place this fall, but wasn’t more specific.
“Chairman Harkin is also optimistic that this fall, the Senate will consider the Employment Non-Discrimination Act, which passed the HELP Committee on a bipartisan basis and includes for the first time protections against discrimination based not only on sexual orientation but on gender identity as well,” Preiss said.
Christian Berle, legislative director for Freedom to Work, said the time has come for a Senate floor vote on ENDA because the organization believes that sufficient lobbying has occurred to reach the 60-vote threshold required to overcome a filibuster.
“Based on Freedom to Work’s outreach to Senate Republicans since ENDA passed out of the HELP Committee, we are confident that we have the 60 votes necessary to advance and pass this critical legislation,” Berle said. “It is now time for Senator Reid to keep his six-and-a-half year old commitment to bring ENDA to the floor of the Senate as soon as possible.”
Moreover, Berle said holding the Senate vote on ENDA as soon as possible is necessary to generate momentum to move the legislation in the Republican-controlled House, where passage of ENDA will be challenging to say the least. Two options that have been floated are attaching ENDA to a larger vehicle bill or a discharge petition.
“The sooner we pass ENDA out of the Senate, the sooner we can begin a robust campaign to get ENDA through the House of Representatives and on the president’s desk,” Berle said. “Whether we attach ENDA to a spending bill in the Senate or launch a discharge petition in the House, we know that we can only win on ENDA if we are willing to try.”
But ENDA isn’t the only piece of pro-LGBT legislation that is pending on the Senate calendar for a vote. The Senate HELP Committee has also reported out education reform legislation known as the Strengthening America’s Schools Act that includes anti-bullying measures known as the Student Non-Discrimination Act and the Safe Schools Improvement Act.
Shawn Gaylord, director of public policy for the Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network, also said he’s expecting a vote on this legislation in the Senate in the fall.
“GLSEN anticipates ESEA reauthorization to gain momentum in mid to late fall, and our continued efforts to build bipartisan support in both chambers will ensure this LGBT-inclusive bill to be strongly positioned to move forward,” Gaylord said.
Preiss maintained that Harkin is committed to working for passage of the bill, which would reauthorize the Elementary & Secondary Education Act, as she touted the LGBT provisions in the bill.
“Chairman Harkin is committed to working with leadership on a path forward to reauthorize the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the Committee-passed version of which contains a number of important anti-bullying provisions,” Preiss said.
Another LGBT-relevant bill that has been reported out of the committee is the Charlie Morgan Act, which would ensure veterans in same-sex marriages have access to certain spousal benefits.
It’s unclear if this legislation is still necessary now that the Supreme Court has struck down the Defense of Marriage Act and the Obama administration has said it would no longer enforce Title 38, which had barred gay veterans from receiving these benefits. Jeff Frank, a spokesperson for the Senate Committee on Veterans Affairs Chair Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), said he doesn’t have any predictions about the bill.
Also on the docket is the fiscal year 2014 financial services appropriations bill. That legislation contains a provision inserted by Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) that would prohibit LGBT discrimination in the juror selection process for federal courts.
Reid’s office didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment on when — if it all — these pro-LGBT measures would come up for a Senate floor vote.
Many other bills related to the federal government’s recognition of same-sex unions are also pending even in the wake of the Supreme Court decision against DOMA, although none besides the Charlie Morgan Act have yet to be approved by committee.
The most prominent among them is the Respect for Marriage Act, which was introduced by Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) and would fully repeal DOMA. Advocates say that legislation to ensure married so gay couples can reap federal benefits of marriage that are still in question if they marry in one jurisdiction and move to a state that doesn’t recognize same-sex marriage. Among these benefits are Social Security benefits and veterans benefits.
A Senate Judiciary Committee aide, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) has plans for action on the legislation in committee this fall.
“Chairman Leahy is committed to a full repeal of the Defense of Marriage Act, which is why he is working with Sen. Feinstein on the Respect for Marriage Act,” the aide said. “We are in the process of pushing for quick implementation of the Windsor decision, and look forward to a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on the bill later this fall. After the hearing, the Chairman will consider moving legislation through the committee.”
Other pending pro-LGBT legislation before the Senate that hasn’t seen committee action is the Housing Opportunities Made Equal (HOME) Act, which is sponsored by Sen. Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio) and would bar discrimination against LGBT people in housing programs. Another bill sponsored by Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) known as the Tax Parity for Health Plan Beneficiaries Act would ensure gay couples in civil unions won’t be taxed on employer-provided health benefits.
Even if these bills pass the Senate, it remains to be seen whether they can muster enough support to pass in the Republican-controlled House. But it’s not unprecedented. Earlier this year, under significant pressure from women’s advocates and other groups, the House passed reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act with protections for LGBT victims of domestic violence.
Bills in the House that currently lack Senate companions are the Social Security Equity Act, which would allow Social Security benefits to flow to gay couples; post-“Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” legislation known as the Restore Honor to Service Members Act; and a bill to help LGBT homeless youth known as the Runaway & Homeless Youth Act. Another version of the Domestic Partnership Benefits & Obligations Act is expected to be introduced imminently by Rep. Mark Pocan (D-Wis.).
Rea Carey, executive director of the National Gay & Lesbian Task Force, said while issues like Syria may dominate the discussions among lawmakers in the coming weeks, she still expects them to advance legislation to help LGBT people and other social justice causes.
“While the situation in Syria is understandably front and center for Congress — especially as putting our brave service members, including LGBT service members, in harm’s way is being considered — members of Congress must also simultaneously focus on vitally important domestic issues as they return from recess,” Carey said. “These include job and economic security issues such as the urgent passage of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act and freedom and justice issues such as comprehensive and inclusive immigration reform.”
The White House
White House counterterrorism strategy targets ‘anti-American, radically pro-transgender’ groups
Administration released document last week
The White House released the “United States Counterterrorism Strategy” last week, introducing enforcement priorities that include references to people with “extreme transgender ideologies.”
The document is the first executive branch counterterrorism strategy released since former President Joe Biden’s 2021 “National Strategy for Countering Domestic Terrorism,” which largely focused on threats tied to domestic extremism and the Jan. 6 Capitol attack. The Trump-Vance administration’s new strategy instead centers heavily on cartels, Islamist organizations, and what it describes as “violent left-wing extremists.”
The report identifies three primary categories of terror threats facing the U.S.: “Narcoterrorists and Transnational Gangs,” “Legacy Islamist Terrorists,” and “Violent Left-Wing Extremists, including Anarchists and Anti-Fascists.” The strategy repeatedly frames those groups as existential threats to the U.S. and outlines a more aggressive, militarized counterterrorism posture.
The introduction to the report closes with a warning from President Donald Trump referencing counterterrorism operations carried out during his second administration: “We will find you and we will kill you.”
In the section outlining the administration’s counterterrorism priorities, the document argues that federal intelligence, and law enforcement agencies under prior administrations focused on the wrong threats while overlooking violence committed by left-wing extremists. The strategy specifically references transgender ideology while discussing political violence.
“As real threats were ignored or underplayed, Americans have witnessed the politically motivated killings of Christians and conservatives committed by violent left-wing extremists, including the assassination of Charlie Kirk by a radical who espoused extreme transgender ideologies.”
Claims tying a trans person to Kirk’s killing have been disputed, however, and multiple news outlets later retracted or corrected early reports that identified the shooter as trans.
The report later expands on that argument, saying the administration will prioritize targeting “violent secular political groups” it describes as anti-American and “radically pro-transgender.”
“In addition to cartels and Islamist terror groups, our national CT activities will also prioritize the rapid identification and neutralization of violent secular political groups whose ideology is anti-American, radically pro-transgender, and anarchist.”
The rhetoric mirrors claims frequently made by Trump allies and conservative commentators linking trans people and left-wing activism to political violence. However, data compiled by researchers and organizations tracking mass shootings does not support the idea that trans people are responsible for a significant share of such attacks.
Factcheck.org says rhetoric from Trump and several far-right political pundits contradicts available data, noting that the percentage of mass shootings committed by trans people is “exceedingly small.”
Despite the lack of evidence supporting generalized claims about trans people, the president’s son Donald Trump, Jr., told Fox News in September 2025 that he could not “name a mass shooting in the last year or two in America that wasn’t committed by, you know, a transgender lunatic.”
Factcheck.org also found that even if cases involving shooters with unclear gender identities were included in statistics about trans mass shooters, the number would still account for only a fraction of a percent.
Mark Bryant, founding executive director of the Gun Violence Archive, said the number of trans mass shooters could be as high as eight, but would still account for less than 0.1 percent of mass shootings over the last 12 years, according to GVA data. He added that the figure would remain below 0.2 percent even when examining incidents from 2018 to the present.
Beyond domestic extremism, the strategy frames the administration’s broader counterterrorism agenda through the lens of “America First” foreign policy and renewed U.S. dominance in the Western Hemisphere. The report repeatedly references the Monroe Doctrine, the nearly 200-year-old policy warning European powers against interference in the Americas.
“After years of neglect, the United States will reassert and enforce the Monroe Doctrine to restore American preeminence in the Western Hemisphere, and to protect our homeland” Trump said in the report.
The document also breaks down counterterrorism priorities by region, including the Middle East, where it argues the U.S. is “no longer as dependent” on the region because of increased domestic energy production.
“Our growing domestic energy production means the Middle East is no longer as central to America’s stability, yet threats from this region remain, and our counterterrorism goals continue to be specific and rooted in realistic threat analysis.”
The statement comes amid rising gas prices tied in part to instability surrounding the war involving Iran, with fuel costs reaching some of their highest levels since 2022. According to AAA, the national average price for gasoline climbed to $4.52 per gallon as the national average rose “$.25 for a second straight week.“
Congress
Bill seeks to block global gag rule expansion
Policy now bans US foreign aid to groups promoting ‘gender ideology’
Lawmakers on Wednesday introduced a bill that would block the expansion of the global gag rule.
President Ronald Reagan in 1985 implemented the global gag rule, also known as the “Mexico City” policy, which bans U.S. foreign aid for groups that support abortion and/or offer abortion-related services.
Trump reinstated the rule during his first administration. The Biden-Harris administration shortly after it took office in 2021 rescinded it.
The Trump-Vance administration earlier this year expanded the global gag rule to ban U.S. foreign aid for groups that promote “gender ideology.” The expansion took effect on Feb. 26.
U.S. Sens. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) and Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.) introduced the Protecting Human Rights and Public Health in Foreign Assistance Act in the U.S. Senate. U.S. Reps. Grace Meng (D-N.Y.), Lois Frankel (D-Fla.), Diana DeGette (D-Colo.), Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), Sara Jacobs (D-Calif.), and Gregory Meeks (D-N.Y.) introduced it in the U.S. House of Representatives.
“Using taxpayer money to export the Trump administration’s anti-trans, anti-science, and anti-abortion ideological agenda isn’t just immoral — it’s antithetical to efficient, effective, and rights-based foreign assistance,” said Council for Global Equality Senior Policy Fellow Beirne Roose-Snyder on Wednesday in a press release.
Meng added the Trump-Vance administration’s “crusade against healthcare and global aid is putting millions of lives at risk worldwide.”
“No one will flourish under the new expanded global gag rule,” said the New York Democrat. “These policies weaponize foreign aid and will result in greater harm, particularly for women and girls, marginalized communities, and LGBTQI+ individuals.”
“They should never have been implemented at all, let alone without even a basic public comment process,” she added. “This legislation will reverse these dangerous policies.”
The White House
From red carpet to chaos: A first-person narrative of the WHCD shooting
The Blade’s WH correspondent Joe Reberkenny recounts his night at the WHCD after a shooter attempted to gain entry.
It started as any White House Correspondents’ Dinner is supposed to go—I assume. I’ve never been to one before this, but based on other events I’ve attended at the Hilton, including an HRC gala, it all seemed fairly normal.
There was a lot of traffic. Police had blocked off streets encompassing a large portion of Adams Morgan—particularly around the hotel. The president was making his first appearance after boycotting the event during his first term, so there was a sense of anticipation. It took me about 45 minutes to go just under a mile from my apartment to about three blocks from the hotel in my Uber. I waited until the last possible second before I felt like I was going to be late—6:30—to get out of the car, because it was raining and I was wearing my green tux.
I walked up to a group of people checking tickets at the base of the hotel. They seemed to just be glancing at the tiny, index-card-sized tickets rather than conducting any kind of full security screening outside. As I walked from that first checkpoint to the drive-around drop-off area, I joined what was essentially one long line for the red carpet. It eventually split into people who wanted photos and those who didn’t—but again, there was no real need to show anything beyond that small ticket upon entering, and even that wasn’t being checked closely.
A light went off in my head; I felt that, given the speed at which security was checking tickets, they couldn’t fully see the foil logo and tiny table numbers from that distance. I remember thinking that if I had a similarly sized piece of paper, I could have gotten through up to that point.
I also noticed there was no real security checkpoint or metal detectors upon initially entering the hotel grounds—unlike what I had seen at the HRC gala the year before.
I waited about 35 minutes in line in the car drop-off area—without cars, since it had been repurposed to corral press and their guests before entering the building and heading onto the red carpet. I took my photo, then went up the escalator to meet my date, Jacob Bernard from Democracy Forward. They wouldn’t let him onto the red carpet without his ticket, so I gave him his, which I had been holding. He was already inside the venue despite not having his ticket on him and had been at one of the pre-parties.
That also struck me as odd—that you could access a pre-dinner party without a ticket or going through any visible security.
After I found him, we took a photo together at a step-and-repeat past the main red carpet area around 7:45. Oddly enough, a group of my friends—gays who I regularly see on the dance floors of the gay bars of Washington, who work in various government and media-adjacent fields—found me, and we took pictures together. None were White House correspondents or held a “hard pass” to the White House (security credentials that allow entry into the White House complex).
Another light went off in my head that indicated party crashers probably shouldn’t be getting inside to an event that is supposed to be one of the most secure rooms in the country.
After the photos, I could see groups of people being moved from pre-party spaces in various meeting rooms on other floors and directed toward the main floor where the red carpet had been.
My guest and I went back up to the main floor and walked through a small security checkpoint that included only a handful of metal detectors. From there, I went down the stairs from the lobby into the International Ballroom, where we took our seats at Table 200. I talked to a few people I knew—very traditional pre-event chit-chat. The vibes felt good. It was my first time attending, and I was genuinely excited.
Around 8:15, the Marine Corps Band played and “Commandant’s Four” color guard presented the flags. We were then told to take our seats.
They introduced the head table—the president, first lady, vice president, and members of the White House Correspondents’ Association board. Weijia Jiang, senior White House correspondent for CBS News and president of the WHCA, gave a brief speech, essentially saying we would eat first and then move into the main program, which was supposed to feature mentalist Oz Pearlman.
At this point my table, 200 which included members of the Wall Street Journal, the Blade, and a European outlet all started eating. About 15 minutes later, Washington Hilton staff began clearing plates and preparing to bring out the next course.
As they cleared the plates, I heard four loud bangs.
I saw hotel employees immediately start ducking. They seemed to understand the gravity of the situation much faster than most attendees, including myself. At first, it sounded like a tray might have fallen over (but I later found out that wasn’t the case).
After about 30 seconds of watching some people duck, others look around in confusion, and some continue eating and drinking, I got down. I kneeled with my chair in front of me as a kind of barrier. Being at Table 200, I felt somewhat removed from where the actual incident occurred.
Then I saw the president being whisked away quickly by Secret Service, along with the first lady and others at the head table.
My reporter instincts kicked in. I grabbed my phone and started filming. I saw SWAT team members rush into the ballroom and onto the stage, clearing the area. I captured a video of people looking around, confused about what had just happened.
A few minutes later, the room was told by the WHCA president to hold on—that they would provide more information and guidance on what would happen next. There was some indication that they might try to continue the event despite what had occurred.
Everyone started frantically checking X to see if any major outlets were reporting. I was receiving texts from family, friends, and colleagues about the rapidly unfolding situation.
I walked to the bathroom—twice, technically. I couldn’t find it initially because it was hidden behind black curtains. (Later, those curtains were removed, and the men’s room was in clearer view.)
During the first walk to the bathroom, I called my editor to tell him what was happening. He instructed me to start sending copy to another editor, who would get it online. The ballroom had almost no service—it’s in the basement of a 12-story hotel—so it was a challenge. I utilized SMS fallback (since iMessage wasn’t working) to send updates.
I returned to the table, where people were still hovering—calling editors, scrolling, texting, sending photos and copy. I was already drafting my story and sending it in chunks, adding details as I gathered more information.
I walked my guest toward the bathroom again, which was on the opposite side of the ballroom from our table, so I had to cross what felt like a sea of journalists, PR officials, guests, and others on their phones, talking and scrolling. My guest pointed out that the press pool was being held in an alcove away from the ballroom doors and escalator exit—not in the ballroom with everyone else.
“Alive” by the Bee Gees was playing over the speakers in the bathroom, which felt a little too on the nose.
On my way out, I heard someone speaking over a microphone and rushed to the ballroom entrance. WHCA President Weijia Jiang was speaking. She announced that the event was over and the space was being evacuated.
She also said that President Trump would hold a press conference at the White House in about 25 minutes.
That’s when I knew it was a race against the clock.
I called my editor a second time to update him and asked if I should head to the briefing (knowing the answer would be yes). He confirmed.
Then the crowd began to move. People grabbed purses, bottles—some left belongings behind. Even though it was technically becoming a crime scene, no one was actively forcing us out. It felt more like a collective understanding: It was time to go.
I texted my guest: “OK, I have to go to the White House. I’m so sorry to leave you.”
I made my way with the sea of people toward the one exit we were allowed to use and zipped between women in fancy gowns and men looking like penguins.
I put on my hard press pass, opened the Capital Bikeshare app, reserved the closest e-bike, and headed out.
I walked up Columbia Road to 20th and Wyoming, grabbed the bike, and rode down Wyoming, then 18th, cut over to U Street, and went straight down 16th to the White House. That ride was exhilarating. I also filmed an Instagram Reel updating my followers on what was going on. I could see tourists and D.C. residents alike looking at me from their cars and the sidewalk, obviously confused as to why a man dressed in a tux had hopped on a bike.
I got off the bike where 16th Street meets Lafayette Square and darted toward the first White House security checkpoint, where they were verifying press credentials. Luckily, I had mine. After that, it turned into a mad dash. Everyone who made it through started moving quickly.
The sound of heels on what I think was cobblestone—or maybe brick—sticks with me. My own shoes were clacking as I ran toward the White House alongside other journalists in heels and dress shoes.
At the Secret Service checkpoint, there was a separate line for hard pass holders. Having my hard pass let me skip much of the impeccably dressed line of journalists who didn’t think to bring their hard pass with them.
It was probably the most exquisitely dressed press crowd I’ve ever seen—tuxedos, gowns, full makeup. It felt like something out of “The Hunger Games.”
I went through security, put my belongings through the metal detector, entered my code, grabbed my things, and ran to the briefing room.
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