President Lyndon B. Johnson’s longtime aide and White House special assistant Walter Jenkins, whose 1964 arrest for alleged “homosexual conduct” created an uproar in the midst of Johnson’s re-election campaign, revealed in a confidential memo that another longtime Johnson aide was accused of engaging in homosexual acts, according to documents released for the first time last month by the LBJ Library in Austin, Texas.
The newly released documents include an October 1964 draft memo attributed to Jenkins that reveals that a government background check discovered that White House secretary and Johnson family friend Robert “Bob” Waldron “had engaged in homosexual acts” in the recent past.
The Washington Blade obtained copies of the documents from the Mattachine Society of Washington, which spent months working with LBJ Library officials to identify and discover the documents from the library’s voluminous collections.
The group, which is headed by veteran gay rights advocate Charles Francis, has taken the name of the organization co-founded in the early 1960s by gay rights pioneer Frank Kameny as D.C.’s first gay rights group.
The recently revived version of the group specializes in obtaining government documents, long withheld from the public, that tell how thousands of gays were fired from federal jobs during the post-World War II era of anti-gay witch hunts.
Francis said he and Mattachine board member Pate Felts, with the help of the law firm McDermott, Will & Emery, which serves as pro bono counsel for the group, traveled to the LBJ Library to retrieve the documents with the full cooperation of library officials.
The Johnson White House at the time disclosed that Jenkins resigned from his job at Johnson’s request shortly after his 1964 arrest for allegedly having sex with a man in the men’s room at a YMCA facility located near the White House. An FBI report released as part of the LBJ documents, but that had been reported in the media earlier, says Jenkins had been arrested in 1959 on a similar “morals” charge at the same YMCA bathroom as the 1964 arrest.
A source who knew Waldron told the Washington Blade that Johnson also terminated Waldron from his White House position after Jenkins’ 1964 arrest, even though Waldron was never accused of wrongdoing and was never publicly identified as gay at the time he worked for Johnson. In addition to working at the White House as a presidential secretary he had been retained to perform similar duties for Johnson during Johnson’s tenure as Senate Majority Leader and U.S. vice president during the Kennedy administration.
Waldron states in an oral history released as part of the LBJ Library documents that he told friends and associates in 1964 that he decided to change careers and left his White House job voluntarily to enroll in an interior design school in New York. He became a nationally acclaimed interior decorator based in Washington, doing decorating work for prominent political figures for 26 years, and remained friends with the Johnson family.
He died in December 1995 of complications associated with AIDS at the age of 68.
“Every decorator in D.C. knew that Waldron was gay as did most of his clients,” said the source who knew him and who spoke to the Blade on condition of not being identified. “He most definitely was not a closeted gay man, nor did he make any attempt to hide his orientation.”
According to the source, unlike Jenkins, who was married with six children, Waldron was a lifelong bachelor. He regularly took on the role as escort at White House functions and on presidential trips abroad for another longtime Johnson administrative aide, Mary Margaret Wiley. But it was widely known that the relationship between the two was strictly platonic, the source and others who knew them have said.
Waldron, a native of Texas, says in his oral history that he attended Northwestern University to study court reporting and later attended “business school” in Texas. He says in his oral history that “nearing finishing a degree and no job I went to law school.” While finishing his second year at law school he says he accepted an offer in 1955 by Congressman Homer Thornberry (D-Texas) to take a job as administrative assistant in Thornberry’s congressional office in Washington. That job brought him to Washington, where he remained for the rest of his life.
It couldn’t be confirmed whether Waldron completed and graduated from any of the colleges or law school he attended. He states in his oral history that he had “no intensions of practicing” law.
Waldron stated in his oral history that he took notes at Johnson’s request as Johnson conferred with his inner circle advisers at the 1960 Democratic National Convention in Los Angeles when John F. Kennedy sent word that he would like Johnson to become his vice presidential running mate.
After Johnson accepted Kennedy’s offer, Johnson and his wife, Lady Bird Johnson, who became good friends with Waldron, invited Waldron and Wiley to join them on the convention stage along with Johnson and Kennedy’s family members and close friends as the Kennedy-Johnson ticket was introduced to tumultuous applause in the packed convention hall.
Waldron points out in his oral history that during nearly all of the years he worked for Johnson he remained on the payroll of Texas Congressman Homer Thornberry, who was a close Johnson friend and political associate.
“Homer I know called numerous times and said Bob is spending all of his time with you, why don’t you transfer him to your payroll?” the source that knew Waldron as well as Thornberry said. “And for whatever reason they just kept cajoling Thornberry to keep him on his payroll.”
The source speculated that one possible reason Johnson didn’t want to officially appoint Waldron to his staff was because he or Jenkins, who was in charge of hiring Johnson’s staff, were reluctant to directly hire someone who might be identified as gay.
Jenkins, meanwhile, had served on Johnson’s payroll beginning in 1939, shortly after Johnson won election as a congressman from Texas. Jenkins left the staff to serve in the Army during World War II before leaving the military as a major. At Johnson’s urging, he ran for a seat in the U.S. House in 1951, but lost his race. He later joined Johnson’s U.S. Senate staff and remained with Johnson during Johnson’s tenure as Senate Majority Leader, vice president and president.
Arrested at the YMCA
Among the newly released documents from the LBJ Library is a personal remembrance of Johnson from yet another longtime Johnson administrative staffer, Mildred Stegall, who worked for Johnson nearly as long as Jenkins had and worked closely with Jenkins.
“One of the saddest days of the president and my lives was the day President Johnson asked for Walter’s resignation due to reported misconduct,” Stegall wrote. “It was a tremendous loss because Walter was like the president’s right arm and the most valuable member of the staff and I think the most capable.”
Added Stegall, “I can’t begin to count the times the president asked me, ‘What do you think happened?’ My answer was always the same. ‘I simply do not know.’”
Stegall noted that Jenkins checked himself into George Washington University Hospital after his arrest, where doctors said he was suffering from exhaustion and emotional distress.
“I have always thought that Walter’s resignation was asked for too quickly,” she wrote. “Had he stayed in the hospital for several weeks with a reported nervous breakdown the matter might have blown over, but there was no way to know and the president took the only course he thought he could take.”
An FBI report on the Jenkins arrest, dated Oct. 22, 1964, says Johnson asked FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to arrange for a “full and complete investigation” when he learned of Jenkins’ arrest one week after it took place on Oct. 7 of that year.
The report says Jenkins, then 46, attended a party with his wife that day at the new offices of Newsweek magazine before the two left the party about 8 p.m. It says Jenkins planned to return to his White House office to work in the evening as he often did. But the report says he apparently decided to make a stop someplace else before returning to work.
“At 8:15 p.m. Mr. Jenkins was arrested in the basement men’s room of the YMCA Building, 1736 G Street, N.W., Washington, D.C., by officers of the Metropolitan Police Department,” the FBI report says. “Arrested at the same time for engaging in an indecent act with Mr. Jenkins was Andy Choka, a 60-year-old retired Army enlisted man.”
The report adds, “Mr. Jenkins made no attempt to hide his identity from the officers, willingly accompanied them and admitted to having been arrested one previous time on a morals charge. The previous arrest occurred shortly before 10:30 p.m. January 15, 1959, in the same basement men’s room of the YMCA. He was charged with loitering for indecent purposes.”
It says Jenkins was released following the 1959 arrest after posting and forfeiting $25 collateral. Following his 1964 arrest, he and Choka were released after each posted $50 collateral, the report says.
The report says an apparent miscommunication between D.C. police, the FBI and the U.S. Secret Service resulted in the White House not being informed of Jenkins’ 1959 arrest at the time Jenkins received his White House security clearance in 1961 when he began work for then-Vice President Johnson.
“Mr. Jenkins was interviewed by the FBI on Oct. 18, 1964, and admitted having engaged in the indecent acts for which he was arrested in 1959 and 1964, the report says. “He claimed that he had been ‘enticed’ by the arresting officer on the former occasion and that his mind was befuddled by fatigue, alcohol, physical illness and lack of food the latter time.”
The report says an extensive background investigation turned up no evidence that Jenkins compromised government secrets or acted in any way against the interests of the country or the government.
“A favorable appraisal of Mr. Jenkins’ loyalty and dedication to the United States was given the FBI by more than 300 of his associates, both business and social, representing divergent political backgrounds, who were interviewed in this investigation,” the report says.
Waldron ‘outed’ by Jenkins?
The FBI report had been released shortly after the investigation into Jenkins’ 1964 arrest. But the LBJ Library documents released to the Mattachine Society of Washington last month included for the first time several drafts of an internal memo that Jenkins reportedly prepared to “clarify” and take strong exception to some of the statements attributed to him in the FBI report.
Among other things, Jenkins said in all of the drafts of the memo that the FBI report could give the impression to some that he might have associated with people who may have engaged in homosexual conduct, even though the report didn’t say this directly.
“Never in my years of government employ, with one single and limited exception, did I associate with any person employed by any branch of the government, or any other office, whether employed by the government or otherwise – known to me to be a homosexual,” he stated in one of the drafts.
“The one exception,” Jenkins wrote, “is Mr. Bob Waldron. The relevant facts in his case are as follows: Mr. Waldron was employed by Congressman Homer Thornberry over a period of some years. From time to time he was loaned to the staff on which I was working because of his exceptional skill as a stenographer and typist,” Jenkins says in the draft memo.
He says at the time when Thornberry left Congress to become a federal judge, Waldron applied for a job with the National Aeronautics and Space Council and underwent a background check for that position.
“The field investigation of Mr. Waldron came to my attention, and it contained information alleging that Mr. Waldron had engaged in homosexual acts,” Jenkins wrote. “I did not know, and I do not know at this time, whether Mr. Waldron was or is in fact a homosexual, but I thought that the allegations were sufficient to warrant my recommending that Mr. Waldron’s application should be rejected. It was rejected.”
He states in his draft memo that the rejection of the application took place in January 1964.
“Thereafter, on a few occasions, I was present at large social gatherings where Mr. Waldron was also present,” the memo says. “This was the limit of my association with him after receiving the allegations described above. I reiterate that this is the sole exception to the categorical statement made above.”
What appears to be the final version of the Jenkins memo, dated Oct. 27, 1965 and which bears Jenkins’ name but not his signature, Waldron’s name is omitted. He is described only as a “person employed by a member of Congress” who from time to time was loaned to the staff where Jenkins worked – meaning Johnson’s staff.
The source who knew both Waldron and Jenkins believes Johnson and his White House legal advisers were clearly informed of the earlier draft that named Waldron as having been linked to “homosexual acts.” The source also thinks White House legal advisers may have played a role in drafting the memo for Jenkins.
Coming at the time of the Jenkins arrest, the source said Johnson and his advisers most likely decided to let Waldron go out of concern that he could have triggered yet another “homosexual” scandal at the White House.
Francis agrees with that assessment, saying Waldron, like Jenkins, became expendable despite his years of loyal service to Johnson.
Creating ‘revulsion’ among co-workers
Jenkins and Waldron’s departure from the White House came at a time when Kameny and his gay rights associates organized protests outside the White House calling for an end to the U.S. Civil Service Commission ban on gay civilian workers at all federal government agencies and departments.
Kameny’s correspondence to then-Civil Service Commission director John Macy prompted Macy to send Kameny his now infamous “revulsion” letter in which Macy said the Commission would not lift its ban on homosexual employees because such employees were sexual “deviates” and would create revulsion among their co-workers.
President Kennedy appointed Macy as head of the Civil Service Commission and Johnson retained him after assuming the presidency.
“The confidential Jenkins file safeguarded by Mildred Stegall shows how quickly a ‘bachelor’ family friend, who was as close as one could get to LBJ, could be transformed into a ‘sexual deviate’ and thrown overboard,” Francis said in discussing Waldron’s fate.
“Mainstream Johnson historians like Doris Kearns Goodwin and Robert Caro need to address the tumultuous investigations and destruction of gay and lesbian Americans beginning in the late 1940s and early 1950s and continuing and even intensifying through the Johnson years,” Francis said.
Others familiar with the Johnson administration have said the political realities of the time, especially the 1964 presidential election in which Johnson was running against Republican Barry Goldwater, made it impossible for Johnson to do anything other than jettison Jenkins and Waldron.
After Johnson left the White House in 1969 he and Lady Bird welcomed both Jenkins and Waldron to the LBJ Ranch in Texas and resumed his friendship with the two men.
Jenkins died in November 1985 at the age of 67 from a stroke.
Bill Moyers, one of Johnson’s presidential press secretaries and a longtime Johnson staffer, appeared to sum up the views of those who knew and worked closely with Jenkins during the Johnson years in a 1999 interview with Out magazine.
“When they come to canonize political aides [Jenkins] will be the first summoned, for no man ever negotiated the shark-infested waters of the Potomac with more decency or charity or came out on the other side with his integrity less shaken,” Moyers said. “If Lyndon Johnson owed everything to one human being other than Lady Bird, he owed it to Walter Jenkins.”
Moyers questioned in Jenkins case
Another of the LBJ Library documents released last month to the Mattachine Society of Washington is a Jan. 15, 1965 letter from J. Edgar Hoover to President Johnson informing Johnson that an FBI agent one week earlier heard a “rumor” that [presidential advisor Bill] Moyers posted the $25 bond for Jenkins’ release in connection with Jenkins’ 1959 arrest at the YMCA.
The rumor was that an unidentified D.C. police sergeant “knew” that Moyers posted the bond, Hoover said.
“Without making any open inquiry into the matter, it has been discreetly determined that copies of collateral receipts maintained by the Metropolitan Police Department have been destroyed and there is no way to determine by documentary evidence who, if anyone other than Mr. Jenkins, posted collateral for him in connection with his arrest on Jan. 15, 1959,” Hoover told Johnson.
“The above is being furnished for your information and no investigation to identify and interview the unnamed sergeant will be conducted in the absence of a specific request from you,” Hoover wrote in his letter.
The documents released by the LBJ Library to Mattachine Society do not include a reply by Johnson to Hoover’s letter.
“[T]his is a rumor and totally unfounded in fact,” Moyers replied in a Jan. 18, 1965 letter to Hoover. “I was attending Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary in Fort Worth, Texas, at the time,” Moyers states in his letter. “I was not in Washington on any date between 1954 and January, 1960,” Moyer said, adding, “I have never posted bond for Mr. Jenkins or, for that matter, anyone else.”
Moyers, who later became a nationally known journalist, couldn’t immediately be reached by the Blade for comment on the Hoover letter.
Former Ambassador Daniel Baer explains it all on Ukraine crisis
Expert downplays strategic thinking behind Putin’s move
Daniel Baer, who worked on LGBTQ human rights and transatlantic issues as one of several openly gay U.S. ambassadors during the Obama administration, answered questions from the Washington Blade on Ukraine as the international crisis continues to unfold.
Topics during the interview, which took place weeks ago on Jan. 27, included Putin’s motivation for Russian incursions, the risk of outright war, predictions for Russia after Putin and how the crisis would affect LGBTQ people in Ukraine.
Baer was deputy assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor and U.S. ambassador to the Organization of Security & Cooperation in Europe.
The full interview follows:
Washington Blade: What’s your level of engagement with this affair? Are you doing any consulting work? Is the administration reaching out to you at all?
Daniel Baer: I actually think the White House is doing a pretty good job of recognizing that they need to not only have press conferences, but also talk to other people who are trying to figure out how to be constructive critics, idea generators from the outside.
Blade: OK, so you’re being solicited and engaging on this issue. My next question for you is why do you think Putin is doing this at this time?
Baer: So, I guess taking a step back from the whole thing, one of the things about a problem like this is that everybody is searching for the right answer assuming that there is a like comfortable or compelling or intellectually accurate answer, and I actually think we’re just in a really hard moment.
I don’t know why he’s doing it now. And in fact, I think that one of the puzzles that we haven’t solved yet is that all the things that he says are the reasons that he’s doing it — that he feels encirclement by NATO, … or that the situation in Ukraine is untenable — none of those things have changed. Setting aside the fact that they’re spurious, it’s not like there’s been some new move in the last 12 months that has precipitated [a reaction] on any of those fronts that you can say, “Oh, well, he’s responding to the recent meeting where Ukraine was offered membership in NATO, or he’s responding to a change in government in Ukraine that it’s clearly anti-Russia, or any other move that we’ve done.” The explanation just doesn’t hold water, and so I think we need to look for alternative ones.
The best I can come up with is actually just a broad — it doesn’t actually explain this particular moment, but I think you could look at the timing of his life. He has, I don’t know, 10 years left. And during those 10 years, it’s unlikely that Russia is going to grow more powerful; it’s much more likely that it’s going to become at least relatively and probably nominally less powerful. And so, if you’re unhappy with the status quo, and you feel like you’re a declining power, and you don’t have endless time, there’s no time like the present. And you’ll make up whatever reasons you need to in order to justify it.
I also think there’s a tendency on our part to attribute far more “strategery” to Putin than there necessarily is. I mean, he’s a bully and a thug. I think the whole Putin’s playing chess and we’re playing checkers is actually completely inverted. We’re in our own heads that there’s some kind of nuanced position that would mollify him. He’s just a gangster and he’s taking a punch because he has one. And I don’t think it gets much more complicated than that. And so, I guess the answer to why he’s doing this now, because the international conditions are such that he feels like the United States is focused domestically, the Ukrainians are not moving forward with succeeding to build — they’re kind of in stasis on building a European state— and he has, you know, he has the space to take a punch, so he’s contemplating doing it, or he’s already decided to do it. And he’s just extracting as much as possible before he takes it.
Blade: That leads me to my next question: What is your judgement of the risk of out and out war?
Baer: I don’t know because I have two hypotheses that cut both ways. One is that I think Putin is vastly underestimating the degree of resistance. On the other hand, I think that nothing short of domination is satisfactory. And so, I don’t know. I guess I think there’s a 90 percent chance that he does something, and I think there’s a 75 percent chance that what he does is not an all out invasion or ground invasion, at least not at first, but rather something that is aimed at confusing us. So some sort of hybrid or staged or false flag kind of attack in tandem with a political coup in Kiev, where he works to install a more Russia-loyal leader.
The thing with the ground invasion is that Russian soldiers’ moms are one of the only, like, powerful political forces in civil society in Russia. I just don’t see any way that a ground invasion doesn’t involve massive Russian casualties, even if they will be dominant. The people who are going to impose the consequences on him will be the Ukrainians, not the rest of us, and he should not invade, and if he does, we should, frankly, work hard to make it as painful and difficult for him as possible.
Blade: What will that look like?
Baer: I think we should at that point continue — we shouldn’t pause, we should continue to send the defensive equipment and backfill as much as possible their ability from an equipment basis to resist.
Blade: So if we were to look at a model for past U.S. engagements. I’m thinking Greece under President Truman, which was so successful that nobody really knows about it, I don’t think. Is there any model we should be looking toward, or not looking toward?
Baer: No, I guess. I’m not sure there’s any good historical model because obviously, any of them you can pick apart. I do think that one thing that has gotten lost in a lot of the analysis — and this goes back to Putin being a gangster thug, and not being such a genius — is there’s a moral difference between us. The reason why Putin gets to control the dialogue is because he’s willing to do things that we aren’t willing to do — as gangsters are, as hostage-takers are — and so yes, they get to set the terms of what we discussed, because we’re not holding hostages. We’re trying to get hostages released. And the hostage-taker has an upper hand and asymmetry because they are willing to do something that is wrong.
We shouldn’t lose the kind of moral difference there. Nor should we lose sight of the fact that Ukraine is being menaced. And I’m not saying it’s our obligation [to intervene militarily], certainly not our obligation. They aren’t a treaty ally. We have neither a political obligation nor a moral one to necessarily risk our own lives, our own soldiers in defense of Ukraine. But if Ukraine wants to defend themselves, there’s a strong moral case to be made that anything, short of risking our own lives, is something that is morally good. We generally believe that self-defense from lethal threat is a reasonable moral cause and assisting others in defending themselves is too — I think there’s a lot of back and forth that get glossed over whether that’s a provocation or whatever, and I want to say to people stand back, look at this: we’ve got one party that is attacking another. And the question is, does the other have a right to defend itself? Yes. And if they have a right to defend themselves, and they also have a right to have whatever assistance people will offer them in defending themselves.
That doesn’t mean that they get to demand that we show up and fight in the trenches with them, of course, and I don’t think there’s any serious people who are recommending that but it’s a good thing to help them. It’s not like a technical thing. It’s a good thing to help
Blade: Getting into that moral background, one thing I want to ask you was about the significance of what would happen in this concept of democracy versus autocracy. First of all, how much is Ukraine a functional democracy, in the sense that if we’re defending Ukraine, we are defending a democracy, and what signal do you think it would send if that Ukrainian government fell to Russian autocracy?
Baer: I think the institutions of government that the Ukrainian people have are not worthy of the Ukrainian people’s own demonstrated commitment …
They are not worthy of the Ukrainian people’s own demonstrated commitment to the idea of democratic institutions. So the answer is today’s Ukrainian government is a mixed bag and it’s very hard to build, on the rot of a Russian fiefdom, a functioning democracy, so I think it’s a mixed bag. I don’t want to sound like I’m minimizing [the changes], or that they’ve completely bungled an easy project. It was always going to be a hard project, and it was never going to be linear.
But I think that what we’ve seen from the Ukrainian people — by which I mean not Ukrainian people, but people of Ukraine — is that there is a broad part of society that a) does not want to live under a Russian thumb and b) sees its future in kind of European style democracy. And so I think that if there was, there’s no question that the Russian attack would be in part about subjugating the people of Ukraine and forcing them to live under some sort of new Russian satellite. And I think that there’s little space for serious argument that that’s something that the people of the country wish to have.
Blade: But I’m just kind of getting at — you’re kind of minimizing that this is a strategic move by Putin, but if he were to successfully dominant Ukraine it becomes a Russian satellite isn’t that saying like, “Well, ha ha West, you thought the Cold War was over and there’s going to be just be a unipolar world in the future but no, we’re gonna we have this we’re back and we’re gonna create a multipolar world for the future.”
Baer: Yeah, I mean, my answer to the Russians who always raise the multipolar world to me is, “Fine, it’s going to be a multipolar world. What makes you think that Russia is one of the poles?” Poles by definition draw people to them, they are compelling and a pole attracts, magnetically or otherwise, and there is nothing attractive about the model that Russia is pursuing. And if the only way that you can be a pole is by subjugating, to force your neighbors, you are proving that you are not one.
I think the benefits for Russia are far smaller than Putin thinks and I think the consequences for the rest of the world of allowing a violation of international order to go forward are much larger than many people recognize.
Blade: But that was their approach when they were the Soviet Union. They were subjugating the Eastern Bloc through Russian force. They did have, in theory, the concept of their worldview of you know, of socialism, or whatever you want to put it charitably, was going to be the right way to go. Is there really that much of a difference?
Baer: Yeah, however disingenuous it was, they did have an ideology . So you’re right, that was a key distinction. The other thing is that the Soviet Union in relative size — its economy and population etc. — was much larger than Russia is today. And Russia is shrinking, and its economy is less diverse than the Communist one was. I think it’s a delusion to think that they’re going to kind of rebuild an empire, even if yes, because of their willingness to do awful things, they could potentially for a time politically control through violence, their neighbors. I just don’t — in a multipolar world, I don’t see Russia being one of the poles, at least not on its current path.
Blade: How would you evaluate the U.S. diplomatic approach to this issue?
Baer: There’s been very clear over-the-top effort to include the Europeans at every step — meetings with them before each meeting and after each meeting, to force conversations into fora that are more inclusive and stuff like that. And I think that Secretary Blinken is rightly recognizing the need to kind of play a role of kind of keeping everybody on the side while we test whether diplomacy whether there’s anything to do, whether there’s any promise with diplomacy.
I think there’s kind of, sometimes kind of, two camps in U.S. foreign policy circles. One is like: We should give the Russians what they want because it just doesn’t matter that much. War is much worse than anything that we would give them. And another is that we can’t give them an inch and we have to punch them in the face whenever we can. And I think both of those are kind of knee-jerk positions that have become a bit religious for people and neither of them is paying attention to the practical challenge that’s in front of the administration, which is like this guy’s threatening to invade and we need to identify whether there’s any opportunity for a functional off ramp, and that doesn’t mean we do that in a vacuum and ignore the long-term consequences, but our problem is not a religious one, it’s a practical one. And I think they’re doing a pretty good job of threading the needle on that and being not too far forward and not too far back.
Blade: Do you see any significant daylight between the United States and Europe?
Baer: No, I mean, no more than the minimum that is possible. There’s a lot of talk about Germany these days. Look, I think some of the things they say are not particularly helpful, but I don’t actually think that in the long run, if Putin invaded, I don’t think that they would hold up sanctions or anything like that. So I think they’re on our side, even if they’re talking out of both sides, in some cases.
Blade: I am wise to the fact that this is a nuclear power. It might be a little old school, but could escalation get that far?
Baer: There can’t be war. There can’t be war between NATO and Russia. It should be avoided. Obviously, there can be, but it should be avoided.
Blade: How committed do you think President Biden is to protecting Ukraine?
Baer: Reasonably so. I think he’s enough of an old school trans-Atlantist that he understands that this isn’t just about Ukraine.
Blade: I was wondering because he had those comments from his press conference about “minor incursion” and I’m just wondering if you’re reading anything into that or not.
Baer: No, I think that was that was a — I think broadly speaking, everything he says is in line with the kind of view that you would expect. And of course, one sentence can catch [attention]. That wasn’t what he meant. What he meant was that he didn’t want to draw a “red line” that would prejudge policy in response to something short of the most extreme scenario.
I think it is a good caution to not obsess over a single sentence and to look at the broad considered policy statements.
Blade: What do you think if you were looking for developments, like what would you be looking out for is significant in terms of where we are going to be going in the near future? This is one thing to keep an eye out for but is there anything else that you are kind of looking out for in terms of the near future?
Baer: I guess I would look out for whether or not the United States joins meetings of the so-called Normandy Format, which is the France, Germany, Ukraine and Russia grouping, which has so far been unsuccessful, but I think can only be successful as the United States joins it, but the Russians, I think have misgivings with the idea of our joining it.
Blade: I’m not at all familiar with that. What makes this forum particularly so —
Baer: So it was started in the summer in like June of 2015, on the margins of some meeting between Merkel and Hollande. The French and the Germans are very committed to the idea that they might be able to mediate peace between Ukraine and Russia. It was supposed to implement the Minsk Agreement, and it just hasn’t been productive so far. I don’t think that the Russians will do anything — I don’t think the Ukrainians feel comfortable negotiating anything without the Americans at the table. And I don’t think the Russians feel like anything is guaranteed without the Americans at the table. So I just, I’m fine with France and Germany taking the lead, but I think the U.S. has to be there.
And there was a meeting of this group in Paris yesterday, and which the U.S. was supportive of, and so I’m watching to see whether or not the United States gets added in some ad hoc way, whether there are future meetings. I guess the reason I would watch it, if the U.S. were to join future meetings that would signal to me that it’s actually there’s some diplomacy happening there.
That’s meant to be focusing mainly on the existing Russian invasion, the occupation of the Donbas, so that’s not about the threat of the new invasion, but it would be interesting to me if there was forward movement on other parts of Ukraine. The announcement of the American ambassador is one. I think that last week movement of troops into Belarus was a game changer for the U.S., because there are all kinds of new implications if you’re using a third country as your launchpad for war, and so it complicates things and it also looks more serious if you’re starting to deploy to third countries and stuff like that. So I think that was that last week, you noticed a difference in the U.S. tone and tenor in response to that.
So things like that. But in general, like what I would do and I don’t think people always catch this is because there’s a boiling frog aspect to it. There are statements coming out from the White House or State Department. Almost every day on stuff related to this and like last week, there was a noticeable change in the tenor as the U.S. became less, I think more pessimistic about the prospects of diplomacy and those I don’t have anything better to look for in those statements as tea leaves, in terms of what the U.S. assessment is of the prospects of the escalation are, so it’s bad.
Blade: Right. That’s very sobering.
There’s a lot of talk, and I’ve just been seeing some like about in terms of, there’s like comparisons to Afghanistan and making sure that all Americans are able to get out of Ukraine. Is that comparing apples to oranges?
Blade: And could you unpack that a little bit? I mean, I can kind of guess the reasons why. How is that apples to oranges?
Blade: Well, the level of development in Ukraine in terms of infrastructure and transport and stuff like that is not comparable to Afghanistan. I think it would be– if there were a Russian invasion–you would definitely want to, obviously, for safety reasons, it’s not safe to be in a war zone, so you would want people to be able to evacuate and you’d have to plan for that.
A major concern [in Afghanistan] was also that there were tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands of locals who had worked for the Americans. The Americans that are in Ukraine are not a departing occupying power. There’s just not the same footprint there — the Americans are in Ukraine or there as business people or young [people working on] democracy assistance or whatever. And it’s just it’s a different context.
Blade: Why do you think the Russians put up with Putin? I mean, this is a country that was a world power and I would think has some economic potential just given its sheer size, first of all, and they do have oil to offer people. So why aren’t the Russians like angry at him for obstructing their participation in the global order as opposed to just putting up with him for years and years and years.
Baer: Successful instrumentalisation of cynicism. The lack of a belief in an alternative will keep you from fighting for it.
Blade: That’s pretty succinct.
Baer: I mean, I don’t think there’s any question that the people of Russia could be better off or different in terms of kitchen table issues, and ease of navigating the world, prospects for their future for their children’s future. The amount of money that Putin has invested into military modernization that Russia can ill afford, while he’s cut pensions and social services and health care. It’s just it’s objectively true that the average Russian person would be better served by a different leader. But he’s done a very good job of effectively selling off the country for profit and persuading people through repression and propaganda that there is no alternative.
Blade: And Putin won’t be around forever. Once he finally goes, is an alternative going to emerge, or will it be the next guy in Putin’s mold?
Baer: I think it’s far from clear that what comes after Putin isn’t worse and bloody. Regimes like this don’t reliably have stable transitions.
Blade: Wow, okay.
Baer: Yeah, we shouldn’t… we should be careful about wishing… wishing for his demise.
Blade: That’s good to know. It’s kind of a frightful note for me to end my questions. But actually before I sign off, there’s one more thing too because I do kind of want to talk about the intersection about your old job in democracy and human rights and then a Venn diagram of that with your experience in Eastern Europe in particular. Do you have a sense of what’s at stake for LGBTQ people in Ukraine or if they’re in more danger right now than they would be otherwise?
Baer: That’s a good question. I mean, my knee jerk reaction is yes. That — as mixed of a picture as Ukraine has been in the last seven years, or eight years — there have been meaningful steps forward, and certainly, in terms of visibility.
I guess, in the sense that Ukraine is better than Russia today, if you’re gay, if Russia is going to occupy or control Ukraine we can expect that it will get worse because it will become more like Russia.
Trump ribbed Pence for thinking ‘it’s a crime to be gay,’ new book says
Former president openly wanted gay Fox News analyst for Supreme Court
Donald Trump, in the days before he took office after the 2016 election, openly contemplated naming an openly gay Fox News contributor to the U.S. Supreme Court amid concerns from social conservatives about his potential choices and ribbed former Vice President Mike Pence for thinking “it’s a crime to be gay,” according to the new book “Insurgency” detailing the former president’s path to the White House.
The key moment between Trump, Judge Andrew Napolitano and Pence took place during the transition period after the 2016 election when Trump invited the other two for a meeting at Trump Tower. That’s when Trump reportedly took the jab at Pence.
“During their meeting, for part of which Mike Pence was present, Trump ribbed Pence for his anti-gay rights views,” the book says. “Addressing Napolitano, Trump gestured toward the archconservative vice-president-elect and said, ‘You’d better be careful because this guy thinks it’s a crime to be gay. Right, Mike?’ When Pence didn’t answer, Trump repeated himself, ‘Right, Mike?’ Pence remained silent.”
The potential choice of Andrew Napolitano, who was fired last year from Fox News amid recently dropped allegations of sexual harassment from male co-workers, as well as other TV personalities Trump floated for the Supreme Court, as detailed in the book, were among the many reasons conservatives feared he wouldn’t be reliable upon taking the presidency. Ironically, Trump would have been responsible for making a historic choice for diversity if he chose a gay man like Napolitano for the Supreme Court, beating President Biden to the punch as the nation awaits his selection of the first-ever Black woman for the bench.
The new book — fully titled “Insurgency: How Republicans Lost Their Party and Got Everything They Ever Wanted” and written by New York Times political reporter Jeremy Peters, who is also gay — identifies Trump’s potential picks for the judiciary as a source of significant concern for conservatives as the “Never Trump” movement was beginning to form and expectations were the next president would be able to name as many as four choices for the Supreme Court. Among the wide ranges of possible choices he floated during the campaign were often “not lawyers or judges he admired for their legal philosophies or interpretations of the Constitution,” but personalities he saw on TV.
Among this group of TV personalities, the books says, were people like Fox News host Jeanine Pirro, whom Trump “regularly watched and occasionally planned his flight schedule around, directing his personal pilot to adjust the route accordingly so the satellite signal wouldn’t fade.” Trump told friends Pirro “would make a fine justice,” the books says.
Trump potentially making good of his talk about naming Napolitano as one of his choices for the Supreme Court “would have been doubly unacceptable to many on the religious right,” the book says. Napolitano, a former New Jersey Superior Court judge, was friendly with Maryanne Trump Barry, Trump’s sister and a federal judge with a reputation for liberal views, such as a ruling in favor of partial-birth abortion, and is also gay, both of which are identified in the book as potential concerns by the religious right.
Napolitano and Trump were close, the book claims. Napolitano, as the book describes, had a habit of telling a story to friends about Trump confiding to him the future president’s knowledge of the law was based on Napolitano’s TV appearances. Trump told Napolitano: “Everything I know about the Constitution I learned from you on Fox & Friends,” the book says.
The book says the meeting with Trump, Pence and Napolitano when the former president took a jab at Pence in and of itself suggested Trump “was indeed serious about giving the judge some kind of position in the government.” Napolitano, known for making outlandish claims as a Fox News contributor —such as the British government wiretapped Trump Tower — never took a post in the Trump administration.
The new book isn’t the only record of Trump ribbing Pence for his anti-LGBTQ reputation. A New Yorker profile in 2017 depicted a similar infamous meeting with Trump and Pence in which the former president joked about his No. 2’s conservative views. Per the New Yorker article: “When the conversation turned to gay rights, Trump motioned toward Pence and joked, ‘Don’t ask that guy— he wants to hang them all!'”The incident described in “Insurgency” was similar to the meeting detailed in the New Yorker profile.
Trump ended up making a list of names he pledged he’d limit himself to in the event he was in the position to make a selection to the Supreme Court and made good on that promise based on his selection. By the end of his presidency, Trump made three picks to the bench who were each confirmed by the U.S. Senate: Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett.
But Trump limiting his options to the list of potential plans was not a fool proof plan for conservatives. To the surprise of many, Gorsuch ended up in 2020 writing the majority opinion in the case of Bostock v. Clayton County, a major LGBTQ rights decision by the U.S. Supreme Court, which determined anti-LGBTQ discrimination is a form of sex discrimination and illegal under federal civil rights law.
The Washington Blade has placed a request in with Trump’s office seeking comment on the meeting with Pence and Napolitano as described in “Insurgency.” Napolitano couldn’t be reached for comment.
Human Rights Campaign’s ex-president sues over termination, alleges racial discrimination
Alphonso David alleges he was terminated unfitly
Alphonso David, the former president of the Human Rights Campaign terminated by the board after he was ensnared in the Gov. Andrew Cuomo scandal, sued the nation’s leading LGBTQ group on Thursday, arguing he was fired as a result of racial discrimination “amid a deserved reputation for unequal treatment of its non-white employees” and was explicitly told he was paid less because he’s Black.
David, speaking with the Washington Blade on Thursday during a phone interview, said he came to the decision to file the lawsuit after practicing civil rights law for 20 years and “never thought that I would be a plaintiff.”
“But I’m in this chair, I was put in this position,” David said. “And as a civil rights lawyer, I couldn’t look the other way. It would be anathema to who I am and it would undermine my integrity and purpose for the work that I do. And so I have to go through and make a very, very difficult personal decision to file this lawsuit.”
The lawsuit, filed Thursday in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of New York, accuses the Human Rights Campaign of violating new state and federal laws for terminating David, who was the organization’s first person of color and Black person to helm the LGBTQ group in its 40-year history. The lawsuit also contends the Human Rights Campaign contravened equal pay law in New York by paying David less than his predecessor, Chad Griffin.
After a public dispute with the board in September amid an independent investigation of his role in the Cuomo affair, the Human Rights Campaign boards unceremoniously fired David and shortly afterward announced a still ongoing search for a new president. David was named nearly a dozen times in the damning report by New York Attorney General Letitia James, suggesting David assisted in efforts by Cuomo’s staff to discredit a woman alleging sexual misconduct in Cuomo’s office. David has consistently denied wrongdoing.
But the lawsuit is broader than the termination and describes an environment at the Human Rights Campaign, which has faced criticism over the years for being geared toward white gay men, as a workplace where “non-white staffers were marginalized, tokenized, and denied advancement to high-level positions.” After a speech David gave on issues of race and indifference in the context of HRC’s mission, the lawsuit claims a board member complained about him referring too much to being Black, but faced no penalty from the organization.
Specifically named in the report is Chris Speron, Senior Vice President of Development, who expressed concern about “alienating” white donors and specifically “white gay men” after David issued a statement on the importance of Black Lives Matter after the killing of George Floyd by Minneapolis police officers. The lawsuit claims Speron pushed David to “stop mentioning in his public statements and remove from his bio the fact that he was HRC’s first Black President in its history.” Speron also was critical of hiring a Black-owned consulting firm and “criticized a Black staff member for attending a meeting with the consulting firm without a white person present,” the lawsuit claims. Speron couldn’t immediately be reached for comment to respond to the allegations.
In terms of equal pay, the lawsuit says HRC’s co-chairs informed David he was underpaid compared to his predecessor because he’s Black. But the lawsuit also acknowledges in 2021, just before news broke about the Cuomo report, the Human Rights Campaign in recognition of David’s work renewed his contract for five additional years and gave him a 30 percent raise.
David, speaking with the Blade, said he was in “shock” upon experiencing these alleged incidents of racism, maintaining he had kept quiet at the time out of concern for the greater good of the aims of the Human Rights Campaign.
Asked whether as president he considered implementing racial sensitivity trainings for his subordinates, David said “yes,” but added many trainings aren’t effective and said the power in organizations like the Human Rights Campaign is often spread out.
“There are people within the organization that have a fair amount of board support because they bring in the money because they are responsible for overseeing the money,” David added.
Joni Madison, interim president of the Human Rights Campaign, said in a statement after the lawsuit was filed the organization is “disappointed that Alphonso David has chosen to take retaliatory action against the Human Rights Campaign for his termination which resulted from his own actions.”
“Mr. David’s complaint is riddled with untruths,” Madison said. “We are confident through the legal process that it will be apparent that Mr. David’s termination was based on clear violations of his contract and HRC’s mission, and as president of HRC, he was treated fairly and equally.”
Madison adds the individuals accused of racism in the lawsuit “are people of color and champions of racial equity and inclusion who provided support and guidance as Mr. David led the organization,” without naming any specific individual. The boards for the Human Rights Campaign and the Human Rights Campaign Foundation who made the decision to terminate David, were comprised of seven independent directors, five of whom were Black.
The racist environment, the lawsuit says, culminated for David in September 2021 amid an independent investigation of his role in the Cuomo affair conducted by the law firm Sidley Austin LLP at the behest of the organization. According to the lawsuit, the board co-chairs contacted David late at night before Labor Day weekend to tell him to resign by 8 a.m. the next morning or be terminated for cause. When David asked whether the Sidley Austin investigation had made any findings against him, or if a report would be issued explaining what he was accused of doing wrong, the board co-chairs refused to say, the lawsuit says.
As is publicly known, David declined to resign and took to Twitter to complain about the board, which subsequently issued a statement disputing his claims. He was then fired “for cause” under his contract.
The termination, the lawsuit says, signified differential treatment of David because he is Black, taking note the Human Rights Campaign under his predecessor had “endured repeated, serious, scandals — many of which involved HRC’s mistreatment of Black and other marginalized individuals,” but Chad Griffin was never terminated “for cause.”
Both the Human Rights Campaign Foundation board and the Human Rights Campaign board voted to terminate David. A source familiar with the vote said no one voted “no” in either case. The campaign board vote was unanimous and there were two abstentions in the foundation board vote, the source said.
The source familiar with the vote said David never told the Human Rights Campaign he was helping Cuomo during his time as HRC president nor did he disclose he was talking to the New York attorney general. The first board members heard about it was when it hit the press, the source said.
Meanwhile, the lawsuit says David “performed extremely well as HRC president, by any measure,” navigating the organization through the coronavirus epidemic and boosting fundraising by 60 percent. (The Blade has not yet verified this claim.) It should be noted the Human Rights Campaign cited coronavirus as the reason it laid off 22 employees, as reported at the time by the Blade.
David, asked by the Blade how he sees the alleged racist culture at Human Rights Campaign infused in his termination, said “Black and Brown people are treated differently and have been for years in this organization,” citing a “Pipeline Report” leaked to the press in 2015 documenting an environment in which employees of color were unable to thrive.
“And so, the fact that I’m being treated differently now, in the fact that a different standard is being applied to me is just simply consistent with what they’ve always done,” David said. “You know, we go back to the Pipeline Report: Imagine if I was leading the organization at the time, and there was a report that was issued, that said that anti-Semitic remarks were being made within the organization, and that women were being discriminated against within the organization or some other marginalized group and that one of the senior vice presidents used a derogatory remark. Do you think I would still be at the organization or would they have fired me?”
David concluded: “There’s a different standard and a double standard that they’ve applied for decades, and I’ve just now been one casualty — another in a long series of casualties based on their systemic bias and discrimination.”
Among the requests in the prayer for relief in the complaint is a declaration the Human Rights Campaign’s actions violated the law; restoration of David to his position as president; an award of the compensation he would have received were he still on the job as well as punitive damages. Asked by the Blade whether any settlement talks have taken place, David said that wasn’t the case and pointed out the lawsuit was recently filed.
Legal experts who spoke to the Blade have doubted the validity of a review by Sidley Austin on the basis it was among the legal firms agreeing in 2019 to help with the Human Rights Campaign entering into litigation to advance LGBTQ rights, an agreement David spearheaded upon taking the helm of the organization.
David, in response to a question from the Blade, said the independent investigation into his role in the Cuomo affair “is a sham and I believe it was a sham,” citing the lack of transparency of findings.
“One of the first instances that caused me concern,” David said, “is I suggested to the organization that we conduct an independent review, and they came back to me and said, ‘Here’s our press release history,’ and the press release never mentioned that I actually suggested that they do this review. And when I challenged them on that, they told me that they thought it would be better for the press to review a complaint or receive a statement that showed that they were bringing this investigation as opposed to I’m recommending and push back even more. And then they said ‘Well, we will put in the statement that you are cooperating.’ So from the very beginning, they were not honest about what they were actually doing.”
Representing David in the lawsuit is the Chicago-based employment law firm Stowell & Friedman, Ltd. and and Chicago-based attorney Matt Singer. The case has been assigned to U.S. District Judge Eric Vitaliano, a George W. Bush appointee, an informed source familiar with the case said.
The lawsuit was filed in New York as opposed to D.C. because David is a New York resident and much of the discriminatory behavior took place in New York, the source said. The pay disparity alleged in the lawsuit is expressed in percentages as oppose to hard numbers pursuant to rules for the judiciary in New York, the source added.
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