Opinions
Obama as seen from my perch in the White House briefing room
8 years of progress, but plenty of bumps along the way

Washington Blade White House reporter Chris Johnson attends a briefing in the White House. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)
After eight years of President Obama, there’s no denying advancements on LGBT rights have been anything short of revolutionary.
Reviewing the timeline we put together for Obama on LGBT issues, I can say it just doesn’t do the past eight years justice. The whole is greater than the sum of its parts because they reflect a greater societal change and got us out of a deep hole of inequality dug by George W. Bush’s anti-gay administration and Bill Clinton signing into law the Defense of Marriage Act and “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.”
This progress on LGBT rights under Obama didn’t just happen. It followed a lot of pressure from LGBT activists seeking equality — and as the Washington Blade’s chief political and White House reporter, I played my role in seeking responses to the calls for action from the White House press secretary during the daily briefing.
During Obama’s first year in office, LGBT rights activists were relentless in their calls on Obama to act on “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” which they said was taking too long to happen, and I was among those bringing those calls to the attention of Obama’s first press secretary Robert Gibbs.
It took Obama until the State of the Union address at the start of his second year in office to declare he would act. The plan ended up a being a nearly year-long massive study at the Pentagon on repeal that would conclude in the lame duck of session of Congress. Obama would sign “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” repeal, but whether he actually planned for legislative action to end the military’s gay ban during a brief window after Election Day and before Republicans took control of the U.S. House remains in question.
Similarly, Obama didn’t come into the White House believing gay people should enjoy the fundamental right to marry. The president only espoused that belief during the final year of his first term in 2012. By that time, I had a number of exchanges with Robert Gibbs and Jay Carney that were embarrassing for the administration because they exposed the president’s lack of support for marriage equality as he professed to support LGBT rights.
The period of questioning in the White House briefing room on whether Obama would sign an executive order barring federal contractors from engaging in anti-LGBT workplace discrimination was even longer. I first queried Jay Carney about the potential order in 2011, through the time when the administration said it wouldn’t happen in 2012 and into Josh Earnest’s tenure in 2014 when Obama finally signed the directive.
In fact, throughout the president’s first term in office, there was a great deal of skepticism about whether he would make good on his pledge to be an LGBT ally. It’s hard to see now with so much public support for LGBT rights, but even just a few years ago during the early years of the Obama administration, society wasn’t yet where it is today. I think the Obama administration was wary about being too public in championing LGBT rights when it wanted to stay in power and accomplish other things.
But I can pinpoint an exact moment when that changed: Obama’s remarks during his second inauguration speech in 2013 in which he compared the Stonewall riots to Selma and declared “our journey is not compete until gay and lesbian brothers and sisters are treated like anyone else under the law.”
The significance of those words cannot be overstated. First, no LGBT advocate publicly called on the president to include a commitment to LGBT rights in his speech. Second, the impact of the widely watched speech was far-reaching and gave a clear signal LGBT rights would be a top, visible commitment for Obama during his second term.
After that moment, there was a palpable change in the LGBT movement’s view of Obama. The sense we needed to push to make to him see us and advance our equality faded substantially and his image as an LGBT rights champion we know today started to take shape.
That said, activism still continued, most significantly in the form of pushing Obama to green light a Justice Department brief against California’s Proposition 8 and to sign the LGBT non-discrimination executive order (both requests were granted). But the sense Obama was an LGBT rights champion was so pervasive that when he inadvertently referred to being a gay as a “lifestyle choice” in 2015 during a YouTube interview, the remarks barely registered in the LGBT community.
I could add a personal gripe that over the course of eight years, Obama never granted the Washington Blade an interview, nor did he even take a question from me any of his news conferences even though I made sure I attended just about all of them in case I had the opportunity. But as much as that disappoints me, I don’t think you’ll hear complaints in the LGBT community about the Washington Blade’s lack of access given the litany of LGBT accomplishments under the Obama presidency.
In the coming weeks, I’m sure you’ll hear the refrain, “Thanks, Obama” in reference to the advancements of LGBT rights under his administration. Just remember LGBT people should also thank themselves for demanding equality and pushing Obama to be the champion of LGBT rights that will endure as part of his legacy.
Chris Johnson is the Blade’s White House reporter. Reach him at [email protected].
Opinions
New research shows coming out is still risky
A time of profound psychological vulnerability
Coming out is often celebrated as a joyful milestone – a moment of truth, pride, and liberation. For many LGBTQ+ people, that’s exactly what it becomes. But new research I co-authored, published in the journal Pediatrics this month, shows that the period surrounding a young person’s first disclosure of their sexual identity is also a time of profound psychological vulnerability. It’s a fragile window we are not adequately protecting.
Using data from a national sample of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people, our study examined what happens in the years before and after someone comes out to a family member or a straight friend. We weren’t looking at broad lifetime trends or comparing LGBTQ+ youth to heterosexual peers. Instead, we looked within each person’s life. We wanted to understand how their own suicide risk changed around the moment they first disclosed who they are.
The results were unmistakable. In the year a person came out, their likelihood of having suicidal thoughts, developing a suicide plan, or attempting suicide increased sharply. Those increases were not small. Suicide planning rose by 10 to 12 percentage points. Suicide attempts increased by 6 percentage points. And the elevated risk didn’t fade quickly. It continued in the years that followed.
I want to be very clear about what these results mean: coming out itself is not the cause of suicidality. The act of disclosure does not harm young people. What harms them is the fear of rejection, the stress of navigating relationships that suddenly feel uncertain, and the emotional fallout when people they love respond with confusion, disapproval, or hostility.
In other words, young LGBTQ+ people are not inherently vulnerable. We make them vulnerable.
And this is happening even as our culture has grown more affirming, at least on the surface. One of the most surprising findings in our study was that younger generations showed larger increases in suicide risk around coming out compared to older generations. These are young people who grew up with marriage equality, LGBTQ+ celebrities, Pride flags in classrooms, and messaging that “it gets better.”
So why are they struggling more?
I think it’s, in part, because expectations have changed. When a young person grows up hearing that their community is increasingly accepted, they may expect support from family and friends. When that support does not come, or comes with hesitation, discomfort, or mixed messages, the disappointment is often devastating. Visibility without security can intensify vulnerability.
Compounding this vulnerability is the broader political environment. Over the last several years, LGBTQ+ youth have watched adults in positions of power debate their legitimacy, restrict their rights, and question their place in schools, sports, and even their own families. While our study did not analyze political factors directly, it is impossible to separate individual experiences from a climate that routinely targets LGBTQ+ young people in legislative hearings, news cycles, and social media.
When you’re 14 or 15 years old and deciding who to tell about your identity, the world around you matters.
But the most important takeaway from our study is this: support is important. The presence, or absence of family acceptance is typically one of the strongest predictors of whether young people thrive after coming out. Research consistently shows that when parents respond with love, curiosity, and affirmation, young people experience better mental health, stronger resilience, and lower suicide risk. When families reject their children, the consequences can be life-threatening.
Support doesn’t require perfect language or expertise. It requires listening. It requires pausing before reacting out of fear or unfamiliarity. It requires recognizing that a young person coming out is not asking you to change everything about your beliefs. They’re asking you to hold them through one of the most vulnerable moments of their life.
Schools, too, have an enormous role to play. LGBTQ+-inclusive curricula, student groups, and clear protections against harassment create safer environments for disclosure.
Health care settings must also do better. Providers should routinely screen for mental health needs among LGBTQ+ youth, especially around the time of identity disclosure, and offer culturally competent care.
And as a community, we need to tell a more honest story about coming out. Yes, it can be liberating. Yes, it can be beautiful. But it can also be terrifying. Instead of pretending it’s always a rainbow-filled rite of passage, we must acknowledge its risks and surround young people with the support they deserve.
Coming out should not be a crisis moment. It should not be a turning point toward despair. If anything, it should be the beginning of a young person’s journey toward authenticity and joy.
That future is possible. But it depends on all of us – parents, educators, clinicians, policymakers, and LGBTQ+ adults ourselves – committing to make acceptance a daily practice.
Young LGBTQ+ people are watching. And in the moment they need us most, they must not fall into silence or struggle alone.
Harry Barbee, Ph.D., is an assistant professor at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health. Their research and teaching focus on LGBTQ+ health, aging, and public policy.
Letter-to-the-Editor
Candidates should pledge to nominate LGBTQ judge to Supreme Court
Presidential, Senate hopefuls need to go on the record
As soon as the final votes are cast and counted and verified after the November 2026 elections are over, the 2028 presidential cycle will begin in earnest. Polls, financial aid requests, and volunteer opportunities ad infinitum will flood the public and personal media. There will be more issues than candidates in both parties. The rending of garments and mudslinging will be both interesting and maybe even amusing as citizens will watch how candidates react to each and every issue of the day.
There is one particular item that I am hoping each candidate will be asked whether in private or in public. If a Supreme Court vacancy occurs in your potential administration, will you nominate an open and qualified LGBTQ to join the remaining eight?
Other interest groups on both sides have made similar demands over the years and have had them honored. Is it not time that our voices are raised as well? There are several already sitting judges on both state and federal benches that have either been elected statewide or approved by the U.S. Senate.
Our communities are being utilized and abused on judicial menus. Enough already! Challenge each and every candidate, regardless of their party with our honest question and see if honest answers are given. By the way … no harm in asking the one-third of the U.S. Senate candidates too who will be on ballots. Looking forward to any candidate tap dancing!
Opinions
2026 elections will bring major changes to D.C. government
Mayor’s office, multiple Council seats up for grabs
Next year will be a banner year for elections in D.C. The mayor announced she will not run. Two Council members, Anita Bonds, At-large, and Brianne Nadeau, Ward 1, have announced they will not run. Waiting for Del. Norton to do the same, but even if she doesn’t, there will be a real race for that office.
So far, Robert White, Council member at-large, and Brooke Pinto, Council member Ward 2, are among a host of others, who have announced. If one of these Council members should win, there would be a special election for their seat. If Kenyon McDuffie, Council member at-large, announces for mayor as a Democrat, which he is expected to do, he will have to resign his seat on the Council as he fills one of the non-Democratic seats there. Janeese George, Ward 4 Council member, announced she is running for mayor. Should she win, there would be a special election for her seat. Another special election could happen if Trayon White, Ward 8, is convicted of his alleged crimes, when he is brought to trial in January. Both the Council chair, and attorney general, have announced they are seeking reelection, along with a host of other offices that will be on the ballot.
Many of the races could look like the one in Ward 1 where at least six people have already announced. They include three members of the LGBTQ community. It seems the current leader in that race is Jackie Reyes Yanes, a Latina activist, not a member of the LGBTQ community, who worked for Mayor Fenty as head of the Latino Affairs Office, and for Mayor Bowser as head of the Office of Community Affairs. About eight, including the two Council members, have already announced they are running for the delegate seat.
I am often asked by candidates for an endorsement. The reason being my years as a community, LGBTQ, and Democratic, activist; and my ability to endorse in my column in the Washington Blade. The only candidate I endorsed so far is Phil Mendelson, for Council chair. While he and I don’t always agree on everything, he’s a staunch supporter of the LGBTQ community, a rational person, and we need someone with a steady hand if there really are six new Council members, out of the 13.
When candidates call, they realize I am a policy wonk. My unsolicited advice to all candidates is: Do more than talk in generalities, be specific and honest as to what you think you can do, if elected. Candidates running for a legislative office, should talk about what bills they will support, and then what new ones they will introduce. What are the first three things you will focus on for your constituents, if elected. If you are running against an incumbent, what do you think you can do differently than the person you hope to replace? For any new policies and programs you propose, if there is a cost, let constituents know how you intend to pay for them. Take the time to learn the city budget, and how money is currently being spent. The more information you have at your fingertips, the smarter you sound, and voters respect that, at least many do. If you are running for mayor, you need to develop a full platform, covering all the issues the city will face, something I have helped a number of previous mayors do. The next mayor will continue to have to deal with the felon in the White House. He/she/they will have to ensure he doesn’t try to eliminate home rule. The next mayor will have to understand how to walk a similar tightrope Mayor Bowser has balanced so effectively.
Currently, the District provides lots of public money to candidates. If you decide to take it, know the details. The city makes it too easy to get. But while it is available, take advantage of it. One new variable in this election is the implementation of rank-choice voting. It will impact how you campaign. If you attack another candidate, you may not be the second, or even third, choice, of their strongest supporters.
Each candidate needs a website. Aside from asking for donations and volunteers, it should have a robust issues section, biography, endorsements, and news. One example I share with candidates is my friend Zach Wahls’s website. He is running for United States Senate from Iowa. It is a comprehensive site, easy to navigate, with concise language, and great pictures. One thing to remember is that D.C. is overwhelmingly Democratic. Chances are the winner of the Democratic primary will win the general election.
Potential candidates should read the DCBOE calendar. Petitions will be available at the Board of Elections on Jan. 23, with the primary on June 16th, and general election on Nov. 3. So, ready, set, go!
Peter Rosenstein is a longtime LGBTQ rights and Democratic Party activist.
