Dupont Circle is home to a lot of great people. But it is also home to a group that considers itself “machers” (a Yiddish word meaning important person, big shot) who feel they should control everything that goes on here.
The leaders of the Dupont Circle Citizens Association (DCCA) see themselves that way. They claim to speak for the neighborhood when they clearly don’t. According to their website they were “Founded in 1922 in a townhouse at 1767 P Street, to promote and protect the interests of the residents.” What they forget and people should understand is they are a very small membership organization and don’t speak for the many thousands of people who live in Dupont.
Over the years they continue to fight any change to the neighborhood managing to nearly destroy the 17th Street business corridor. They regularly cost business owners thousands of dollars by fighting them as they have done to JR.’s and Hank’s Oyster Bar. They supported the liquor license moratorium for years, clearly hurting the neighborhood.
Now they again support a small group of people fighting the St. Thomas Parish project on Church Street as the parish tries to build on property they own to support a growing congregation. DCCA sided with a group of residents on Church Street who made false claims suggesting it was a dying congregation hoping all along the project would fail. A church that has been a good neighbor on the block since 1899. A church that suffered an arson fire in 1970 yet stayed and allowed the community to use its land as a park since then.
Many in the community and on Church Street worked with St. Thomas and its developer in a collegial way. There were many meetings with the community, a number of which I attended in the church as I live only a block away. They agreed to scale back the original plans for the project, keep the Church Street side of the old building façade and make it into the entrance to the apartments. They agreed to set-backs on various levels of the building to make it more compatible with the street and to many other requests the community made, including some green space facing 18th street in front of the new church entrance.
But this wasn’t enough for the DCCA. It is fairly clear much of the money, though they haven’t given an accounting, for a lawsuit to stop the building came from the DCCA, which often pursues an angry anti-building, anti-business agenda. The current president of the DCCA is used to suing regarding projects having done it for the Nader-funded Library Renaissance Project, which blocked the West End Library and Hine school projects for a year, only to eventually lose.
This project on Church Street will get built, one way or another. It already mostly is. The variance fight is over a few feet in the back, on the alley that will not really affect the quality of life for anyone. It seems once again the DCCA is using membership dues to pursue an angry anti-building agenda. In the case of the church project, DCCA leaders turned down a settlement offer never bringing it back to either their membership or the community for discussion. They’re clearly not acting in the best interests of the neighborhood.
So now they have gotten an order from the Court of Appeals, which doesn’t end the nearly built project but resulted in a stop work order. As of Friday night the stop work order was lifted on the church but not the apartments. They claim that Board of Zoning Appeals (BZA) didn’t take everything into consideration when giving the go-ahead to a variance needed for the building. The court is demanding more extensive analysis and perhaps that’s right on the law. But it is wrong for the neighborhood since we know this building will eventually be finished.
In the interim, the mess on Church Street and 18th Street and in the alley behind the homes on P Street continues. There is a possibility all this could cause the church to go bankrupt, hurting the entire congregation. As a resident of the community, I find it offensive that a few are hurting many of our own neighbors who for years have worshipped there and are part of the wonderful and diverse Dupont community.
Peter Rosenstein is a longtime LGBT rights and Democratic Party activist. He writes regularly for the Blade.
Roe ruling returns us to the discriminatory 1950s
For the first time, I no longer think of our nation as a democracy
(Editor’s Note: This is the first of a two-part column.)
I love looking at photos of my grandmother in the 1950s, going out to lunch with her friends, wearing hats with combs, white gloves in hand.
The 1950s had it all over us in style, I think.
Until, I remember:
• Black people who were discriminated against had little or no legal recourse;
• Most women couldn’t get a charge card, let alone buy a home, unless their husbands got it for them;
• If you were queer, you could be arrested for dancing with someone of the same-sex at a gay bar, or lose your job because of your sexuality.
Those memories erase my 1950s nostalgia. I’ll enjoy family pictures from that era but I don’t want to return to the 1950s.
Unfortunately, that’s what the Supreme Court has done. The court’s overthrow of Roe v. Wade (in its 6-3 ruling on Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization) thrusts us back to an era that threatens to be as repressive as the 1950s.
The court’s reversal of the landmark Roe v. Wade wasn’t surprising.
Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential campaign made it clear: If elected he would appoint Supreme Court justices who would likely rule to overturn Roe v. Wade. Trump isn’t known for his truth-telling or promise-keeping. But in this critical matter, he wasn’t lying. He kept his word.
But the court’s ending nearly 50 years of a fundamental right is still gut-wrenching.
We’ve known that America, though a democracy, has long had a record of denying rights and dignity to all of its citizens.
Black people were enslaved. For a good part of our history only white men could vote. Japanese people were put in concentration camps during World War II. To avoid being scorned by their families, most queer people had to be closeted.
Yet until the court overturned Roe v. Wade, no civil right had been taken away.
Now, for the first time, I no longer think of our nation as a democracy.
As I’m writing, at least 13 states have laws that will immediately or in a short time ban abortions. States where abortion remains illegal are looking to find ways to prosecute out-of-state clinics and doctors who perform abortions.
In Texas, citizens are legally permitted to sue anyone (from an Uber driver to a clergy person to a doctor or clinic) who performs an abortion or helps anyone to obtain an abortion.
Putting reproductive freedom into the quagmire of state legislatures isn’t enough for many Republicans and members of the religious right.
They’re chomping at the bit, if the Democrats lose their slim majority in Congress and a Republican becomes president in 2024, to impose a federal ban on abortion.
To add to this toxic mix, some Republicans and members of the religious right want to punish women who’ve had abortions.
I am terrified for all who seek reproductive health care.
I have childhood memories of my mom, who had type 1 diabetes, having an abortion pre- Roe v. Wade. If my mother hadn’t had the abortion, she may have died when I was 7 and my brother was 4. Though devastated by the stigma of having an abortion when terminating a pregnancy wasn’t legal, my mom was lucky. She could afford to have an abortion.
Then (as now), many poor women couldn’t have afforded to have an abortion or have the means to travel out of state to end their pregnancies.
One in four women have had an abortion. Now those needing reproductive health care (whether an abortion or, in some cases, treatment for miscarriage) again face stigma. Poverty will prevent many from having legal, safe abortions.
People won’t stop terminating their pregnancies. If they have to, they’ll resort to unsafe, self-administered abortions.
As a lesbian, I, like many queer folk, fear that the repeal of Roe will be a foreshadowing of the overturning of LGBTQ rights (from marriage equality to the right to have sex with whom we love).
In post-Roe America, fighting for the rights and dignity of women, LGBTQ folk and other marginalized people will be the life’s work of our generation and of generations to come.
Kathi Wolfe, a writer and a poet, is a regular contributor to the Blade.
We need more inclusive data to drive progress for LGBTQI+ communities
Bill would require federal surveys to include questions on sexual orientation, gender identity
As we celebrate the immeasurable contributions of LGBTQI+ people during Pride month and commemorate the 53rd anniversary of the Stonewall Riots, we must also renew our commitment to advancing a more equitable America for our LGBTQI+ communities.
Seven years ago, the Supreme Court made marriage equality the law of the land, but despite this progress, over half of U.S. states can still deny LGBTQI+ people in the United States basic freedoms. LGBTQI+ individuals can still be denied a rental home or a wedding cake, simply because of who they love or how they identify.
Even worse, conservative lawmakers in state legislatures across the country are passing extreme bills targeting LGBTQI+ communities. These Republican-sponsored measures directly attack LGBTQI+ youth—their identity, dignity, and even access to basic health care.
The historic inequities faced by the LGBTQI+ communities and the uptick of radical, anti-LGBTQI+ attacks demand a coordinated federal response. But for far too long, policymakers have lacked the data necessary to craft and implement public policy that serves LGBTQI+ people in the United States.
While the federal government currently collects some data on LGBTQI+ people, it falls dramatically short.
The American Community Survey only accounts for cohabitating same-sex couples—meaning that it does not capture more than 5 in 6 LGBTQI+ adults.
That is why the U.S. House of Representatives passed the LGBTQI+ Data Inclusion Act last week in a historic bipartisan vote of 220-201.
The bill would require federal surveys to include questions pertaining to sexual orientation, gender identity, and variations on sex characteristics on a voluntary, confidential basis. By doing this, the LGBTQI+ Data Inclusion Act would ensure that lawmakers and federal agencies have the comprehensive data they need to advance polices that better serve LGBTQI+ people.
Solid data on sexual orientation and gender identity in federal surveys will help lawmakers craft policies to remedy the disparities faced by LGBTQI+ individuals—particularly LGBTQI+ people of color, who are disproportionately impacted by these disparities. More comprehensive and inclusive federal data could help remedy systemic inequities in unemployment, health care, housing instability and more.
Earlier this month, President Biden issued a groundbreaking executive order to advance equality for LGBTQI+ people across the United States — including by expanding the collection of data pertaining to LGBTQI+ people in the United States. This legislation would expand the ability of our federal agencies to follow the President’s directive so that we can craft policies tailored to the specific needs of our LGBTQI+ communities.
As parents, we also championed this legislation because it will help parents across the country better understand LGTBQI+ youth and their experiences. LGBTQI+ youth deserve the best available data-driven information and resources to validate their experiences, protect them from harm, and help them thrive. Together, we’ll be able to provide these resources for LGBTQI+ youth who are higher risk of depression and attempted suicide.
The LGBTQI+ Data Inclusion Act is a long overdue step in the right direction, and it could not have been possible without the tireless work of LGBTQI+ organizations and activists. More than 150 LGBTQI+ groups and allies have helped shape this bill to ensure that Congress enacts the most comprehensive and effective legislation possible.
Policymakers have a duty to lift LGBTQI+ voices and ensure our LGBTQI+ constituents are all seen, heard, and counted. The House made history this Pride month and passed the LGBTQI+ Data Inclusion Act, we urge our colleagues in the Senate to do the same.
Rep. Raúl Grijalva (D) is a member of the U.S. House from Arizona; Rep. Carolyn B. Maloney (D) is a member of the U.S. House from New York.
Turkey Pride crackdowns only strengthen LGBTQ resistance
Hundreds arrested in Istanbul on Sunday
The waving colors of the thousand shades inside of a rainbow,
The sparkling joy from the pride and honor of self-declaration,
The echoing sounds of the steps for solidarity in the cobblestone streets of İstanbul,
To unite for equality, for justice, for solely our right to be.
This was our goal, our expectation and our hope for Pride Turkey 2022. It has, however, been overshadowed by the government’s vicious attempts to repress the colors of the LGBTQI+ community.
First, it started with the ban of Pride speeches and panels that many district governors and other local authorities across Turkey announced. Local police officers raided the many event venues as if “illegal” activities were being conducted.
As in the last couple of years, it was already expected the government would ban the Pride marches in many cities. It was, however, the first time the government officially tried to prevent even face-to-face community gatherings of LGBTQI+ organizations. It was a type of intervention reflecting the level of fear and intolerance of the government regarding the growing connection, solidarity and public visibility of LGBTQI+ community.
Nevertheless, oppression often brings out the most creative means. As such, Pride committees have carried all the activities on digital platforms. Many activists and civil society representatives have shown support by participating in live broadcasts from event venues, and the voice of LGBTQI+ solidarity still reached a wide audience.
Subsequently, the most drastic pressure by the government has manifested itself during the Pride marches. The police violently intervened and used unproportionate force against marchers in many cities, which resulted in a radical number of unwarranted detentions.
While 530 LGBTQI+ activists were taken into custody over the last 37 days across Turkey, 373 of them were arrested during the Istanbul Pride march on June 26. This constitutes a first, since the Istanbul Pride arrests constituted the largest number of people taken into custody during a street march since the Gezi protests.
Will these enormous efforts to pressure win the day? The answer is “definitely no.” On the contrary, it sparked a backlash by triggering strong solidarity among Turkey’s queer community. The outstanding resistance of LGBTQI+ marchers gained public recognition on social media, while persistent legal support of LGBTQI+ initiatives canceled all the detentions. In the end, the exhaustive pressures of the government could not manage to fade the multicolor of LGBTQI+ identity. In fact, it helped our rainbow flag to shine even more glamorous and visible.
We, as members of the LGBTQI+ community, have once again proved through this entire experience that solidarity, togetherness and collective resistance are the most powerful facilitators in our fight to exist equally.
In honor of the unbreakable resistance of Turkey Pride 2022 supporters,
Thanks to you, the cobblestones of Istanbul and every street in Turkey echoed with the steps of LGBTQI+ solidarity.
Dilek İçten is a journalist, researcher and civil society expert with a demonstrated history of working in interdisciplinary and investigative research projects examining the socio-cultural dynamics of media, gender and migration. The focus of her work varies from freedom of expression, media censorship and journalistic independence to gender based-discrimination and hate speech against disadvantaged groups and minorities.
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