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Activists defend D.C. Jail’s treatment of trans inmates

Budd, Hughes say most choose to stay in men’s facility

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The jail does not and has not been mistreating transgender inmates coming in the jail,’ said trans advocate Earline Budd. (Blade file photo by Michael Key)

Longtime local transgender advocates Earline Budd and Jeri Hughes, who have served for more than a decade on the D.C. Department of Corrections’ Transgender Housing and Transgender Advisory committees, say they have witnessed first-hand what they believe to be the D.C. Jail’s role in leading the nation in its policies in support of transgender inmates.

The two said that around 2009 the D.C. Jail became one of the nation’s first correctional facilities to adopt a policy allowing transgender inmates to choose whether to be placed in the men’s or the women’s housing units.

In a claim that will likely come as a surprise to LGBTQ activists, Budd and Hughes said more than 95 percent of female transgender inmates at the D.C. Jail chose to be placed in the men’s section of the jail.

Budd and Hughes said they were motivated to speak out about DOC’s trans policies following a class action lawsuit filed last year against the city by the ACLU of D.C. and the D.C. Public Defender Service on behalf of a female transgender inmate at the D.C. Jail.

The lawsuit charged that officials at the Department of Corrections and the jail violated the gender identity provision of the city’s Human Rights Act and the constitutional rights of equal protection for trans inmate Sunday Hinton by placing her in the men’s housing unit at the jail against her wishes in May 2021.

Hinton and five other former female trans inmates at the jail submitted sworn affidavits as part of the lawsuit claiming that their requests to be housed in the women’s section of the jail were either denied or jail officials coerced them into agreeing to be placed in the men’s section. The affidavits say the alleged improper action by jail officials against the six trans women took place between 2019 and 2021.

Hinton has since been released from the jail after a burglary related charge brought against her was dropped.

The Office of the D.C. Attorney General, which represents the city in lawsuits, and Hinton reached a settlement agreement last month to end the lawsuit. The DOC agreed in the settlement, among other things, to put in place policies that ensure that trans inmates can choose the section of the jail in which they are to be housed.

The agreement keeps in place existing DOC policies calling for the Transgender Housing Committee to review all trans housing requests and to make a recommendation on the request, with jail security officials making the final decision on where to place the trans inmate.

Hughes told the Washington Blade that for the past decade or longer DOC and jail officials have followed the recommendations of the Transgender Housing Committee, whose members include representatives of the trans community.

She points out that the objective of the committee is to confirm that a trans female inmate requesting housing in the women’s section of the jail is truly a transgender person and not a male inmate claiming to be trans with the possible motive of sexually assaulting or otherwise endangering cisgender female inmates.

According to Budd and Hughes, at the request of LGBTQ rights advocates, the DOC adopted a policy in 2009 that allowed transgender inmates to choose whether to be placed in the men’s or women’s section of the jail. They said the policy, which created the DOC’s Transgender Housing Committee as well as a Transgender Advisory Committee, called for the housing committee to review the inmates’ housing requests to assess the safety of the trans inmates and all other inmates.

“You cannot just say I’m transgender and go in the women’s jail,” Hughes said. “You’ve got to have an evaluation. You have to be determined – OK, you’re legit. You live as a woman. You’re transgender,” Hughes told the Blade.

Hughes and Budd said the allegations raised in the Sunday Hinton lawsuit, if true, appear to be a breach in the DOC and the D.C. Jail’s longstanding policy of allowing trans inmates to choose whether to be placed in the men’s or women’s section of the jail. Budd said restrictions put in place at the jail in response to the COVID pandemic resulted in the suspension of all meetings of the Transgender Housing Committee.

But she said it was her understanding that an official at the jail who is a member of the Transgender Housing Committee has been meeting individually with trans inmates to determine their preference for a housing assignment. Budd said the official, who she identified as Tracy Outlaw, was also helping transgender inmates obtain things they needed, such as women’s undergarments like bras and hormone treatments.

“What I can say is the jail does not and has not been mistreating transgender inmates coming in the jail, and that they get the utmost respect in terms of the population,” Budd said.

When asked to explain their claim that nearly all female trans inmates choose to be placed in the men’s section of the jail, Budd and Hughes said that the female trans inmates are treated with greater respect by fellow male inmates than by female inmates.

“In the male section of the jail, they have a certain status,” Hughes said. “They are desirable. In the female section, they are not desirable. So, there is no advantage for them to be there,” according to Hughes. “And nearly every [trans] girl that has ever asked to go to the female section is in there for about a week and asks to get back right away” to the male section, Hughes said.

Department of Corrections spokesperson Keena Blackmon provided the Blade with an update on the DOC’s transgender policies following the settlement of the lawsuit, but she did not respond to the Blade’s request for confirmation of Budd and Hughes’ assertion that nearly all transgender female inmates request to be housed in the men’s section of the D.C. Jail.

“While the DC Department of Corrections (DOC) does not comment on the specifics of litigation-related matters, DOC is committed to ensuring a safe, secure and inclusive environment for all our residents, including our transgender, intersex and gender non-conforming residents,” Blackmon said in an email. “DOC formed the Transgender Advisory Committee (TAC), which serves as a liaison for the DOC and the transgender community and also internally established the Transgender Housing Committee (THC),” she said.

“The COVID-19 pandemic necessitated a host of operational changes to ensure the health and wellbeing of all DOC residents and staff and affected the ability of the THC to operate in its normal capacity,” Blackmon said. “As we have navigated the challenges of the pandemic, we have continued to adopt both our policies and practices to ensure we meet our above stated commitment while addressing the public health needs of all in our DOC facilities and will continue to do so,” she said.

Scott Michelman, legal director of the ACLU of D.C. who served as the lead attorney representing Sunday Hinton in her lawsuit against the DOC, said the actions by officials at the D.C. Jail toward Hinton and the five trans female inmates who joined her in the class action lawsuit raised serious doubts about any claims that the DOC had in place trans supportive policies – at least during the years of 2019 through early 2021.

Michelman points out that Tracy Outlaw, one of the DOC officials serving on the Transgender Housing Committee that Budd said has been supportive of trans inmates, is accused in one of the sworn affidavits submitted by a trans inmate who was part of the Hinton lawsuit of refusing to help the inmate be placed in the women’s section of the jail. Michelman said another DOC official “coerced” Hinton into signing a form waiving her rights to be placed in the women’s section of the jail.

“These actions, among others, undermine the claim that DOC was doing right by trans folks as of 2021,” Michelman said. “If DOC wants to protect trans women, it can start by complying with the settlement terms reached in Sunday Hinton’s case,” he said.

Budd said that while any DOC staff member should be held accountable for violating the DOC’s transgender policies, she strongly disputes claims that Tracy Outlaw coerced a trans inmate into being housed in the men’s section of the jail.

“What I am not going to do is go back and forth about this case,” Budd told the Blade. “The fact is that the ACLU and the attorneys are only seeking one side of this story,” which she said was that of the trans inmates who were part of the Hinton lawsuit.

“It is not fair that these allegations are coming up and we are not able to share our side of the story, which is totally different,” she said. “I have been and continue to be a transgender advocate and will support even those who have sought to demean me.”  

Critics of the DOC have pointed out that many of the problems faced by the D.C. Jail surfaced under the tenure of former DOC Director, Quincy Booth, who held the director’s position from 2016 to January of this year, when Mayor Muriel Bowser replaced him with former DOC Director Tom Faust. Faust served as director from 2011 to 2016 during the years that Budd and Hughes have said DOC put in place or strengthened its trans supportive policies.  

Bowser’s decision to replace Booth came shortly after the Federal Bureau of Prisons transferred 400 inmates at the D.C. Jail to a federal prison in Pennsylvania after announcing an inspection of the jail by U.S. Marshals found “evidence of systematic failures” and unacceptable living conditions at the jail.

Budd said that shortly after Faust began as acting DOC Director, he invited her to meet with him to discuss trans issues at the jail.

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District of Columbia

New queer bar Rush beset by troubles; liquor license suspended

Staff claim they haven’t been paid, turn to GoFundMe as holidays approach

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A scene from the dance floor of Rush at a preview night on Friday, Nov. 28. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The D.C. Alcoholic Beverage and Cannabis Board on Dec. 17 issued an order suspending the liquor license for the recently opened LGBTQ bar and nightclub Rush on grounds that it failed to pay a required annual licensing fee.

Rush held its grand opening on Dec. 5 on the second and third floors of a building at 2001 14 Street, N.W., with its entrance around the corner on U Street next to the existing LGBTQ dance club Bunker. 

It describes itself on its website as offering “art-pop aesthetics, high-energy nights” in a space that “celebrates queer culture without holding back.” It includes a large dance floor and a lounge area with sofas and chairs.

Jackson Mosley, Rush’s principal owner, did not immediately respond to a phone message from the Washington Blade seeking his comment on the license suspension.  

The ABC Board’s order states, “The basis for this Order is that a review of the Board’s official records by the Alcoholic Beverage and Cannabis Administration (ABCA) has determined that the Respondent’s renewal payment check was returned unpaid and alternative payment was not submitted.”

The three-page order adds, “Notwithstanding ABCA’s efforts to notify the Respondent of the renewal payment check return, the Respondent failed to pay the license fee for the period of 2025 to 2026 for its Retailer’s Class CT license. Therefore, the Respondent’s license has been SUSPENDED  until the Respondent pays the license fees and the $50.00 per day fine imposed by the Board for late payment.”

ABCA spokesperson Mary McNamara told the Blade that the check from Rush that was returned without payment was for  $12,687, which she said was based on Rush’s decision to pay the license fee for four years. She said that for Rush to get its liquor license reinstated it must now pay $3,819 for a one-year license fee plus a $100 bounced check fee, a $750 late fee, and $230 transfer fee, at a total of $4,919 due.

Under D.C. law, bars, restaurants and other businesses that normally serve alcoholic beverages can remain open without a city liquor license as long as they do not sell or serve alcohol. 

But D.C. drag performer John Marsh, who performs under the name Cake Pop and who is among the Rush employees, said Rush did not open on Wednesday, Dec. 17, the day the liquor board order was issued. He said that when it first opened, Rush limited its operating days from Wednesday through Sunday and was not open Mondays and Tuesdays. 

Marsh also said none of the Rush employees received what was to be their first monthly salary payment on Dec. 15. He said approximately 20 employees set up a GoFundMe fundraising site to raise money to help sustain them during the holiday period after assuming they will not be paid.

He said he doubted that any of the employees would return to work in the unlikely case that Mosley would attempt to reopen Rush without serving liquor or if he were to pay the licensing fee to allow him to resume serving alcohol without having received their salary payment. 

As if all that were not enough, Mosley would be facing yet another less serious problem related to the Rush policy of not accepting cash payments from customers and only accepting credit card payments. A D.C. law that went into effect Jan. 1, 2025, prohibits retail businesses such as restaurants and bars from not accepting cash payments. 

A spokesperson for the D.C. Department of Licensing and Consumer Protection, which is in charge of enforcing that law, couldn’t immediately be reached to determine what the penalty is for a violation of the law requiring that type of business to accept cash payments.

The employee GoFundMe site, which includes messages from several of the employees, can be accessed here.

Mosley on Thursday responded to the reports about his business with a statement on the Rush website. 

He claims that employees were not paid because of a “tax-related mismatch between federal and District records” and that some performers were later paid. He offers a convoluted explanation as to why payroll wasn’t processed after the tax issue was resolved, claiming the bank issued paper checks.

“After contacting our payroll provider and bank, it was determined that electronic funds had been halted overnight,” according to the statement. “The only parties capable of doing so were the managers of the outside investment syndicate that agreed to handle our stabilization over the course of the initial three months in business.”  

Mosley further said he has not left the D.C. area and denounced “rumors” spread by a former employee. He disputes the ABCA assertion that the Rush liquor license was suspended due to a “bounced check.” Mosley ends his post by insisting that Rush will reopen, though he did not provide a reopening date.  

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Brian Footer suspends campaign for Ward 1 D.C. Council seat

Race’s third LGBTQ candidate cites family reasons for ‘stepping back’

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Brian Footer (Photo courtesy of Brian Footer)

Gay Advisory Neighborhood Commissioner Brian Footer, who was one of three out LGBTQ candidates running for the open Ward 1 D.C. Council seat in the city’s June 16, 2026, Democratic primary, announced on Dec. 17 he has decided to “suspend” his campaign to focus on his family.

“After deep reflection and honest conversations with my family, I have decided to suspend my campaign for the D.C. Council,” he said in a statement. “This moment in my life requires me to be present with the people I love most and honor the responsibilities I carry both at home and in the community,” he states. “This was not an easy decision, but it is the right one for me and my family at this time.”

Footer, a longtime Ward 1 community activist and LGBTQ rights advocate, announced his candidacy for the Ward 1 Council seat in July, one month before bisexual Ward 1 community activist Aparna Raj announced her candidacy for the Council seat on Aug. 12.

Gay Ward 1 Advisory Neighborhood Commissioner Miguel Trindade Deramo announced his candidacy for the Ward 1 Council seat on Nov. 18, becoming the third out LGBTQ candidate in what appeared to be an unprecedented development for a race for a single D.C. Council seat.

At least three other candidates who are not LGBTQ are running for the Ward 1 Council seat. They include Ward 1 ANC member Rashida Brown, longtime Ward 1 community activist Terry Lynch, and Jackie Reyes-Yanes, the former director of the Mayor’s Office of Community Affairs.

In his statement announcing the suspension of his candidacy, Footer said he would continue to be involved in community affairs and advocate for the issues he discussed during his campaign.

“I want to be clear: I am stepping back from the race, not the work,” he says in his statement. “Public service has always been my calling. I will continue advocating for affordability, for safer streets, for stability for small businesses, and for a government that responds to people with urgency and respect,” he wrote. “And I will continue showing up as a partner in the work of building a stronger Ward 1.”

Footer concluded by thanking and praising his campaign supporters and calling his campaign suspension a “transition,” suggesting he is not likely to resume his candidacy.

His campaign press spokesperson did not immediately respond to a question from the Washington Blade asking if Footer might later resume his campaign or if his latest action was in effect an end to his candidacy.

“To everyone who knocked on doors, hosted conversations, donated, shared encouragement, and believed in this campaign, thank you,” he says in his statement. “I am deeply grateful for every person who helped this campaign take root,” he added. “This isn’t an ending, it’s a transition. And I’m excited for the work ahead, both in Ward 1 and at home with my family.”

Longtime gay D.C. Democratic Party activist Peter Rosenstein said in a statement to the Blade, “I respect Brian Footer’s decision to end his campaign for Council. It is not easy to run a campaign in D.C. and there are many others running in Ward 1.” He added, “While not living in Ward 1, I thank Brian for all he has done and clearly will continue to do for the people in the ward.”  

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D.C. students need academic support, diverse connections for economic mobility

Region offers array of resources for families in need of assistance

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From local financial and educational assistance programs to strengthening diversity among educators, advocates are fighting for better economic mobility in D.C. schools. (Photo by sumnersgraphicsinc/Bigstock)

Education is the blueprint of good economic mobility.

But when students aren’t set up with the proper resources to secure a quality education, it’s often low-income families that suffer the most, For Love of Children (FLOC) Executive Director LaToya Clark said. Children from low-income families on average grow up to earn $25,600 annually, according to Opportunity Insights.

D.C. families need better economic mobility, and experts say that starts with kids getting an education and breaking generational poverty cycles. Students without a high school diploma earn $738 per week on average, while those who graduated high school earn roughly $930 per week, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Contrarily, those with bachelor’s degrees earn about $1,543 per week.

Students from low-income backgrounds have fewer financial advantages on their paths to securing an education, and hardships faced by public schools make it difficult for them to catch up, Clark said.

From local financial and educational assistance programs to strengthening diversity among educators, here are a few ways researchers and advocates are fighting for better economic mobility in D.C. schools. 

Student assistance programs

For many students, falling behind academically is because of circumstances outside of their control, Clark said.

She said teacher shortages, large classrooms and scarce funding can lead to an educational environment not fully equipped to set students on the right path. A one-dimensional education can then hinder future professional opportunities and give students limited economic mobility.

That’s where local organizations like FLOC come in –– to fill in the academic and social gaps often left open by schools. 

Clark said FLOC has multiple services that give underserved students a more individualized academic experience. For the Neighborhood Tutoring Program, students are assessed at the grade level at which they’re performing, not what grade they are in. They’re then matched with a volunteer –– ranging from college students to retirees –– who follows a curriculum that matches the student’s performance level.

There’s also the Pathways Forward Program, an afterschool opportunity for D.C. youth in 7th to 12th grades designed to increase high school graduation rates. The program supports those at risk of academic failure to find a successful way forward, and those in 10th to 12th grades to prepare for graduation or transition to postsecondary programs. Both Neighborhood Tutoring and Pathways Forward are free.

“Everything we offer is designed to close achievement gaps, help our students boost their confidence and ensure young people have the skills and support that they need to succeed in schools and beyond,” Clark said.

And that design is working for students. Clark recalled a young girl who was the oldest of six who felt a need to help her mom take care of her siblings. She was falling behind in school until she found FLOC. The girl credited her ability to go to college and find a professional job to FLOC’s individualized and accessible approach to education. 

FLOC is a reliable resource for D.C. youth to get academic help, but there are numerous other organizations working to close educational gaps and improve the future economic mobility of students.

Minds Matter D.C. helps underserved students find accessible pathways to prepare for and succeed in college. The organization offers mentoring, SAT prep, access to summer enrichment programs and guidance through the college application and financial aid process.

The work Minds Matter does addresses a disproportionate statistic: While roughly 89% of students from “well-off” families attend college, only 51% of students from low-income families do so, according to a report published by Brookings. Minds Matter reported that 100% of its students attended a four-year college or university.

The D.C. Schools Project, a program of the Center for Social Justice, offers academic help and English-language tutoring for low-income and immigrant families. Each semester, roughly 60 tutors assist about 100 students, their families, and other D.C. immigrants. 

D.C. CAP Scholars has a mission to connect youth with financial and academic opportunities that will help them succeed in college. Registration is now open for the organization’s Ward 7 & 8 scholarship, a $12,000 annual scholarship for students who attended high school in those D.C. wards. Those areas encompass communities such as Congress Heights, Deanwood and Anacostia, which are some of the city’s poorest areas.

RISE offers tutoring and college mentoring to underserved populations. Its primary focus is on opportunity academies, including the three in D.C.: Ballou STAY, Luke C. Moore and Garnet-Patterson STAY. These academies are “second chance” schools for students who didn’t complete high school on a traditional timeline.

RISE Executive Director Ricardo Cooper said the organization offers real-time tutors for students in these academies through its Keep Up Tutoring program. RISE also provides summer literacy “bootcamps” and college prep for underserved students.

As a native Washingtonian, Cooper said he wishes opportunities like RISE were available to him as a kid. That’s why it’s so special for him to lead the organization and help D.C. youth rise above the academic and economic barriers he used to face.

“We know that going to college and getting a degree makes you more money,” Cooper said. “Being able to have these programs to support youth in school, to make sure that they feel confident once they graduate high school, to go to college, to feel confident in completing their coursework and just understanding the material is important to raise that poverty line.”

While these programs are crucial to many students’ success, Matthew Shirrell, associate professor of educational leadership at George Washington University, said there are many fundamental solutions to supporting kids that schools should recognize.

Diverse learning opportunities

Shirrell’s research has identified a key link to the positive relationships between teachers and students: diversity.

“Having a more diverse teaching workforce would certainly benefit all students, because it’s like their teachers having access to a library with a whole bunch of different perspectives,” Shirrell said.

He said teachers have a continuously growing list of responsibilities not just academically, but in dealing with social and emotional issues that students bring to school. By having a diverse team of educators in each school, teachers are better equipped to connect with students to turn potential barriers into new pathways.

But achieving this is about more than championing diversity –– it’s a way for students to secure better futures and stay out of the criminal justice system, Shirrell said.

Shirrell pointed to the idea of “exclusionary discipline.” In his research, Shirrell found that Black and LatinX students were significantly less likely to be suspended from school when they had teachers who shared their racial or ethnic background. 

Teachers of different backgrounds than their students tend to rely on harsh disciplinary action, when in reality the situation could come down to cultural misunderstandings or misconceptions, Shirrell said. 

In the long run, this disciplinary bias can disproportionately impact underserved communities. Shirrell said relentless discipline can lead to the students making poor decisions outside of school and potentially ending up in the criminal justice system.

At such a formative age, students need the support, understanding and guidance that only a diverse population of educators can bring.

“You really can’t get that from a book,” Shirrell said. “The best way to learn that is from working alongside somebody who you know is doing things differently than you. There’s tremendous value to having a diverse workforce, whether that be racial, linguistic or economic.”

Securing an education from open-minded teachers is especially important in underserved pockets of D.C., such as Wards 7 and 8. D.C. youth can experience completely different lives and opportunities just by living around the block. Diverse educators can help fill social gaps, but having students from different economic backgrounds share a classroom pushes them to see different points of views and develop their critical thinking skills, Shirrell said. 

Luckily, that sentiment rings true in D.C., a city with high social capital –– or the likelihood of low-income people and high-income people becoming friends or crossing paths. About 50% of the friends of low-income people have high incomes, and low-income people are only 4.7% less likely to friend high-income people they meet, according to Opportunity Insights.

Though there’s never one simple solution in growing economic mobility for students and their families, Cooper, the RISE executive director, said having educators who embody multiple perspectives –– as well as ensure students are aware of the financial and academic support programs available to them –– are strong ways to set a child on a brighter financial and professional path.

“There are a lot of factors that also go along with [improving economic mobility], but chances are better once students feel confident in who they are, confident in what they can do and go to college and excel,” Cooper said.

This article is part of a national initiative exploring how geography, policy, and local conditions influence access to opportunity. Find more stories at economicopportunitylab.com.

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