Opinions
Ron Paul’s heartless stance on health care
Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul apparently learned nothing from the death of his 2008 campaign chairman, a gay man named Kent Snyder.
Snyder, 49, died of pneumonia in 2008. He was uninsured and left about $400,000 in unpaid medical bills to his surviving mother. Paul was criticized at the time for failing to offer his campaign staffers medical insurance. The Blade covered the story extensively back then and interviewed Paul about it. His lame defense was that no campaign offered health insurance, a false claim — Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton and John McCain’s campaigns all offered health insurance to staff.
At last week’s Tea Party debate, CNN’s Wolf Blitzer asked Paul what should happen to an uninsured 30-year-old man who needed six months of hospitalization.
“In a society that you accept socialism and welfarism, he expects the government to take care of him … he should assume responsibility for himself,” came Paul’s heartless response.
Blitzer replied, “Are you saying society should just let him die?”
In response, the bloodthirsty, unsympathetic crowd yelled, “Yeah!”
You’d think that the death of a trusted campaign aide — who Paul said was instrumental in helping him decide to run in 2008 — would prompt some soul-searching and deeper thinking about the state of America’s health care system. But obviously that’s not the case for Paul, who happens to be a medical doctor.
The full 2008 Blade story is re-posted below:
Ron Paul supporters mourn death of gay campaign chair
With no health insurance, Snyder leaves $400K in hospital bills
By LOU CHIBBARO JR.
Activists belonging to the libertarian wing of the Republican Party continue to mourn the loss of Kent Snyder, a 49-year-old gay political operative credited with propelling the presidential campaign of U.S. Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas) into a national, grassroots movement that raised more than $35 million.
Snyder, who served as Paul’s campaign chair, died of pneumonia on June 26 after being hospitalized for about two months and after running up medical bills exceeding $400,000, according to friends and family members, who said he did not have health insurance.
Gay staffers from the Paul campaign, some speaking on condition that they not be identified, said they learned about Snyder’s unpaid medical bills from a web site created by his friends that calls on Paul supporters to contribute to a special fund to help Snyder’s family pay the bills, which come mostly from a two-month hospitalization. So far, the site (kentsnyder.com) has raised about $32,000.
“I can’t believe he didn’t have health insurance,” said one political activist who read about Snyder’s unpaid medical bills in a story published last month in the Wall Street Journal. “I can’t believe that Ron Paul didn’t give him health insurance,” said the activist, who asked not to be identified.
The Journal story did not identify Snyder as gay; a Washington Post obituary reported Snyder died of viral pneumonia but did not mention his sexual orientation.
Craig Max, a D.C. gay Republican activist who sought to become a Ron Paul delegate to the Republican National Convention, said news of Snyder’s death and his lack of health insurance has triggered a behind-the-scenes debate among Paul supporters and libertarian activists over whether or not the Paul campaign should have provided health insurance to its staff.
Among the points raised, according to Max and others involved in the Paul campaign, is the fact that Paul is a practicing physician. Some of the Paul supporters are asking why a medical doctor, whose campaign raised $35 million in contributions, chose not to offer health insurance for his staff.
When asked at the Capitol in Washington on Wednesday about concerns raised by critics that his presidential campaign did not provide employee health insurance, Paul said only that he doesn’t believe any political campaigns offer health insurance.
“I don’t know of any campaign that has health insurance for temporary and other employees,” he said. “I’ve never had it and I’ve been in this business for 30 years. I don’t know any campaign that does.”
At least three gay Paul supporters said it was well known among Paul campaign insiders that Snyder was gay. Although Snyder shunned the public spotlight, activists and political operatives working on the campaigns of rival GOP presidential candidates, including officials with the McCain campaign, recognized Snyder’s efforts in building a major campaign operation for Paul, Paul’s gay supporters said.
“As far as his being out, I don’t think that he was ever in or anything like that,” said Jesse Benton, who served as communications director for the Paul presidential campaign. “But his romantic life was just not something that was discussed. He was the boss and that was that.”
Benton said Snyder confided in him that he had a chronic blood disorder. He said that Snyder told him the name of the disorder but Benton said he does not remember it.
“To my knowledge, Kent did not have HIV,” Benton said. “He expressed to me a couple of times what his blood disorder was, but I believe [the HIV speculation] to just be a rumor.”
Benton said it was Snyder himself who made the decision not to provide health insurance to the campaign staff.
“Kent Snyder as the chairman of the campaign ran the business operation,” Benton said. “So it was his decision as to what would be offered to employees.”
Benton said Snyder’s decision was not unusual in the realm of political campaigns.
“As a general practice, virtually no political campaigns offer health insurance,” Benton said. “It’s just not done. A campaign is a temporary organization that could disband at any minute.”
But gay Democratic activist and political consultant Steve Elmendorf disputes Benton’s assessment, saying that in recent years, a growing number of campaigns have begun providing health insurance to paid staffers, with the campaigns of Democratic candidates offering medical coverage in greater numbers than Republican candidates.
Jordan Lieberman, publisher of Campaigns and Elections’ Politics Magazine, which is considered an authority on American political campaigns, said that in the recent past, health insurance was almost never offered by campaigns operated by either Republicans or Democrats. Now, Lieberman said, the trend among larger campaigns, especially presidential campaigns, is to offer health insurance benefits.
Spokespersons for the presidential campaigns of Barack Obama and John McCain said both campaigns provide full health insurance coverage to their paid staff. A spokesperson for the Hillary Clinton presidential campaign said Clinton also provided health insurance coverage to campaign staffers before she ended her campaign in early June.
On his own web site, Paul called Snyder’s death a “great loss” to the libertarian movement.
“Kent poured every ounce of his being into our fight for freedom,” Paul said. “He will always hold a place in my heart and in the hearts of my family. We deeply mourn his loss.”
Paul praised Snyder for playing a key role in advancing libertarian causes and noted that Snyder began his association with him in 1987, when he worked on Paul’s first run for president.
“Over the next 20 years, we worked together on countless projects in the name of freedom,” Paul said. “It was Kent, more than anyone else, who urged me to run again for president” in 2008.
Gay libertarian activists have praised Paul for his longstanding views calling for all Americans to be free from government intrusion into their private lives through laws and regulations. Paul voted against a proposed U.S. constitutional amendment to ban gay marriage.
But according to a scorecard on the voting records of members of Congress on gay-related issues, Paul voted against the interests of gays on all issues other than the marriage amendment. In the Human Rights Campaign scorecard for the 109th Congress (2005-2006), the latest scorecard that the group has issued, Paul received a score of 38 on a scale from 0 to 100. According to HRC, Paul received a score of 25 for the 108th Congress (2003-2004) and a 0 in the 107th Congress (2000-2002).
Similar to most libertarians, Paul opposed bills like the Employment Non- Discrimination Act, or ENDA, which would ban employment discrimination based on sexual orientation, and a hate crimes bill, which would authorize the federal government to prosecute anti-gay hate crimes, on grounds that such legislation improperly expands government powers.
Liberal blogger Rob Kall, in a July 5 posting on Opednews.com, called Kent Snyder’s death and his unpaid medical bills an ironic twist to Snyder’s libertarian philosophy.
“What a testament to the libertarian creed, which abhors the idea of universal health care,” Kall wrote. “This loyal, passionate man who died too young left his family a debt of $400,000 in medical bills,” he said. “Sadly, the libertarian heart apparently does not include health care.”
Benton and others who knew Snyder said he gave up a lucrative career as a telecommunications industry executive to work for one of Paul’s libertarian organizations before becoming the head of the Paul for president campaign. Benton said Snyder’s friends and associates from the campaign are now especially concerned that Snyder’s unpaid medical bills could adversely impact Snyder’s mother.
“I do know that Kent was an extremely proud man and he was basically financially supporting his mother and allowing her to live in a property he owned,” Benton said. “As someone who respected him very much — he had a lot of people who respected him a lot — we all know that he would turn over in his grave if his mother has to leave that property.
“So it was important for us to do what we could,” Benton said. “And I’m not a wealthy man but I made a small contribution, Dr. Paul has made a personal contribution, and a lot of the campaign staff have given what they could,” he said, referring to the special fund to help pay off Snyder’s medical bills.
Opinions
Insured on paper, excluded in practice
How fertility coverage definitions discriminate against LGBTQ+ workers
Pregnant workers in the LGBTQ+ community often encounter greater barriers than their cisgender or heterosexual counterparts, particularly when accessing company-sponsored health insurance. The challenges for pregnant workers are especially prevalent in obtaining fertility care, such as intrauterine insemination (IUI) and in vitro fertilization (IVF). Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act prohibits sex discrimination in any federally funded health program, and a growing body of federal litigation now applies that prohibition to insurer-administered fertility benefits that exclude LGBTQ+ workers. Presently, 18 states and Washington, D.C. have infertility insurance laws, with requirements ranging from mandating private insurers to cover fertility treatments to merely offering coverage, which employers may choose not to select (MAP – Movement Advancement Project, “Fertility Healthcare Coverage”). Of these, six states and Washington, D.C. have language that is explicitly inclusive of LGBTQ+ people, while three states have language that may exclude LGBTQ+ people or couples. Where this coverage is not offered or is exclusionary, LGBTQ+ people must spend thousands of dollars for fertility care, while it may be guaranteed for other individuals. Today, 53% of LGBTQ+ adults live in states with no private-insurer fertility mandate, and a single IVF cycle can exceed $18,000 out-of-pocket.
Legal Framework: Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act
Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act protects individuals from sex discrimination in any health program or activity that receives any funding from the Department of Health and Human Services. It specifies that in terms of sex discrimination, an individual’s sex, including pregnancy, childbirth, and related medical conditions are protected. In turn, many claims challenging health insurance’s fertility policies invoke Section 1557 to argue that definitions of infertility or proof requirements that exclude same-sex couples constitute unlawful discrimination. Recently, the Ninth Circuit held that Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act applies to an insurer if any part of the entity receives federal funds, even when the specific health plans at issue are not federally funded, though whether the insurer is ultimately liable under that section is a fact-specific inquiry. Pritchard v. Blue Cross Blue Shield of Illinois, No. 23-4331, slip op. (9th Cir. Nov. 17, 2025). Specifically, how insurers can be held liable in the context of fertility care to LGBTQ+ employees remains to be tested.
Case Study: Kulwicki v. Aetna Life Insurance Company
In 2022, a lesbian registered nurse, Tara Kulwicki, filed a complaint alleging that the medical plan offered by her employer, Wellstar Health System Inc. and Wellstar Cobb Hospital Inc., and administered by Aetna, Inc. and Aetna Life Insurance Company imposed discriminatory barriers on homosexual couples to seeking access fertility care. Under Kulwicki’s medical plan, fertility treatment such as intrauterine insemination (IUI) and in vitro fertilization (IVF) is covered only for couples who can meet the plan’s definition of “infertile.”
The medical plan’s definition for “infertile” is as follows: “For a woman who is under 35 years of age: 1 year or more of timed, unprotected coitus, or 12 cycles of artificial insemination; or [f]or a woman who is 35 years of age or older: 6 months or more of timed, unprotected coitus, or 6 cycles of artificial insemination. For heterosexual couples, infertility could be established by showing that six to twelve months of unprotected sex without contraception did not result in a pregnancy. The plan, however, defines “unprotected sex” as exclusively sexual intercourse between a man and woman. This definition effectively excludes homosexual couples as they do not have the capacity to become pregnant through unprotected sex with their partner. If couples are unable to prove they meet the definition, as in Kulwicki’s case, they are forced to pay high out-of-pocket costs, often totaling thousands of dollars, for IUI and IVF treatments before they qualify for coverage.
In Kulwicki’s case, Section 1557 is used as the basis for the claim. Kulwicki alleged Aetna administered Wellstar’s plan, denied her IUI precertification for not meeting “infertility,” and that the plan and Aetna’s policy tied infertility to unprotected heterosexual intercourse or multiple insemination cycles, resulting in out-of-pocket costs for non-heterosexual women.
The United States District Court for the District of Connecticut later denied Aetna’s renewed motion to dismiss for failure to join Wellstar, holding Aetna could face Section 1557 liability for its own role and that damages could provide complete relief without Wellstar. Most recently, on September 24, 2025, the court denied Aetna’s motion for partial summary judgment, finding factual disputes about Aetna’s collaborative role in shaping the plan language and its reserved contractual rights to align plan terms with Aetna systems, policies, and governing law. As a result, Tara Kulwicki’s class action will continue against Aetna. The court noted Aetna’s active role in shaping the plan’s infertility definition and retaining authority to ensure terms aligned with its systems, policies, and governing law.
Comparative Cases: Echoes of Kulwicki
Courts addressing similar infertility definitions have allowed claims to proceed where LGBTQ+ members face cost or proof burdens not imposed on heterosexual couples.
In Berton v. Aetna Inc. et al. (4:23-cv-01849, 2023), Mara Berton filed a suit against Aetna in violation of the Affordable Care Act after her insurance denied coverage for fertility treatment. This case raises question of first impression as to the “burden of proof” required to demonstrate infertility. In this case, the court denied Aetna’s motion to dismiss a Section 1557 claim where the plan formerly required “frequent, unprotected heterosexual sexual intercourse” or donor insemination cycles, and postJanuary 2023 language still required “eggsperm contact,” allowing heterosexual couples to attest through intercourse while same-sex couples had to incur costs for donor insemination cycles. The court found these allegations plausibly facially discriminatory. The court also rejected Rule 12(b)(7) arguments, concluding complete relief through damages could be afforded without joining the employer plan sponsor.
In Murphy v. Health Care Service Corporation (Blue Cross Blue Shield of Illinois) (No. 22-cv-2656, 2023), the court denied a motion to dismiss, holding that even under a 2020 policy listing multiple infertility pathways, the definition of “unprotected sexual intercourse” as malefemale intercourse left similarly situated samesex participants with no costfree route to establish infertility, plausibly alleging intentional discrimination under Section 1557 standards.
Two parallel actions against Aetna have already produced settlements that reshape the landscape. In Goidel v. Aetna Life Insurance Co., No. 1:21-cv-07619 (S.D.N.Y.), the court granted final approval on October 14, 2025 of a class settlement that aligned Aetna’s infertility definition with American Society for Reproductive Medicine guidelines and made intrauterine insemination a standard medical benefit. Weeks later, in Berton v. Aetna Inc., No. 4:23-cv-01849 (N.D. Cal.), the Northern District of California preliminarily approved a settlement under which most eligible class members who submit a qualifying claim will receive approximately $11,000 in compensation, with claims due by June 29, 2026.
Conclusion
Recent litigation underscores that insurers cannot avoid responsibility where they actively shape, interpret, or administer plan terms that disadvantage LGBTQ+ patients, including fertility coverage definitions and proof requirements. Section 1557 of the Affordable Care Act applies to health programs or activities receiving federal funding, and courts have allowed claims to proceed where infertility definitions or evidentiary burdens effectively exclude same-sex couples. The court in Kulwicki allowed a class action to proceed based on allegations that the insurer administered a plan tying “infertility” to unprotected heterosexual intercourse or multiple insemination cycles and played an active, collaborative role in shaping infertility language while reserving contractual rights to align plan terms with its policies. Other courts have similarly denied motions to dismiss Section 1557 claims where plans with definitions of “unprotected sexual intercourse” limited to male-female intercourse, leaving same-sex participants with no cost-free route to establish infertility. Taken together, courts are scrutinizing not only employers’ selection of plans but also insurers’ roles in designing and administering plan terms that may impose discriminatory barriers.
Employers should be proactive in counteracting harmful policies by incorporating specific protective language into their company policies and providing robust support systems for their transgender, nonbinary, and intersex employees. Employees who suspect their plan’s infertility definition imposes additional cost or proof burdens on same-sex couples should preserve all denial letters, plan booklets, and out-of-pocket receipts, and consult counsel promptly.
Isabelle Megosh, Lily Miller, and Ting Cheung are with Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, a national civil rights and employment law firm that represents employees in discrimination, harassment, and benefits-related litigation.
Opinions
Suzanne Goode is not good for Rehoboth Beach
Voters should reject divisive candidate in Saturday’s mayoral election
I understand why some will say I shouldn’t be so negative about a candidate. But the reality is, Suzanne Goode is one person who deserves the negativity. She has shown herself to walk with MAGA Republicans, and that is not the vibe conducive to the welcoming place Rehoboth is today. While I believe there may be a change coming to the country in the mid-term congressional elections, we still see our lives impacted by local mayors, and town commissions, as much as by Congress.
Goode has been a commissioner for two years. Fellow commissioners find her difficult to work with. It isn’t just that she doesn’t agree with them, often on the losing end of 6-1 votes, but she has shown herself to be nasty and insulting to the people she was elected to work with, including city employees.
She has shown she has no real respect for the business community, or for that matter, the truth. She has said of Rehoboth, “They really are in trouble. I never expected to get involved, but once I saw how dysfunctional everything was, that’s what inspired me.” Well Rehoboth is neither in trouble, nor dysfunctional. She lies suggesting Rehoboth is on the brink of bankruptcy, while the truth is, there will be a budget surplus at the end of this budget year, and projected surpluses through 2030. She claims she supports the LGBTQ community but then speaks out in ways that show she really doesn’t. Things like objecting to rainbow crosswalks. I figure that is something she got from Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, whom she has supported. She said, “Unfortunately, the rainbow crosswalks have potentially reduced the upkeep of conventional crosswalks.” That is not the person we want as mayor of Rehoboth who would oppose spending the very few dollars to maintain the rainbow crosswalks.
She pretends to be more in tune with the community by cleaning up her Facebook page. At one time it showed support for DeSantis, and attacks on Hillary Clinton, President Barack Obama, and the ACA. Sounds very similar to the felon in the White House.
I love Rehoboth Beach. Today it is a place where everyone is welcome. A place where everyone can live in harmony. Where young people from around the world are welcomed for summer jobs, and residents and visitors enjoy learning from them about their lives, and cultures.
Those of you who are older will remember that wasn’t always the case. When I first visited in 1984, I heard the stories about incidents occurring when Joyce Felton and Victor Pisapia opened the Blue Moon, in 1981. Some locals would drive by the patio on Baltimore Avenue, throw eggs, and shout insults at those standing there. People were being beat up on the boardwalk for just being who they were. These, and other incidents, are why Murray Archibald and Steve Elkins co-founded CAMP Rehoboth, the LGBTQ community center. They, supporters, and dedicated volunteers, along with some commissioners, and a supportive police chief, worked hard to make Rehoboth what it is today: A safe and welcoming place for all. CAMP trained police officers to work with those that may be different from themselves. They worked to change Delaware laws. They made it comfortable for members of the LGBTQ community to open businesses here, to move here, and live in a place that not only respected them, but wanted them.
Rehoboth has come too far to elect someone who could take the city backwards. Someone who tried to get her husband elected to the Commission to get another vote. Someone who will try to do it again if she is elected mayor. That is not what Rehoboth is about. People here are better than that. I hope the people of Rehoboth are smarter than that. While we can always disagree on some things, that is only natural, we must do it both honestly, and respectfully. It is unfortunate that Goode does neither.
Suzanne Goode does not in any way live up to her name. Suzanne Goode is really not good for Rehoboth. There are four candidates running for mayor, and they could split the vote enough to let her win. So, I suggest to the voters, coalesce around the person who appears to have the most support at the moment, Susan Stewart, and cast a ballot for her. She will make a positive difference for the city. Electing Stewart as mayor is the way to ensure the Rehoboth Beach we love, will continue to be a wonderful place for all to work, live, and visit, for years to come. Voting takes place on Saturday, Aug. 8, from 10 a.m.-6 p.m. at the Rehoboth Beach Convention Center.
Peter Rosenstein is a longtime LGBTQ rights and Democratic Party activist.
Opinions
Continue to engage in community after Pride month
Parades are performative; we have work to do
Everyone has now had more than a month to recover from Pride 2026. Even for those who have not yet put away all their seasonal rainbow paraphernalia or are still finding glitter in unexpected places, June is now a memory; hence, community members and allies have work to do.
The LGBTQ community of Washington, D.C., and the DMV region, is not defined (or limited) by any specific month, annual event, or organization. There is no singular agenda, arbiter, or leader. Considering the efficacy of some organizations and the competency and integrity of certain individuals, that is a good thing. This creates more opportunities for more people.
June is Pride month, but some LGBTQ celebrations in D.C. happen annually in May. Others, including several in Maryland and Virginia, occur on dates in July through October. Regardless of scheduling, the planning process begins (or at least should begin) immediately following the current year’s festivities. With the end of the fiscal year rapidly approaching, time is of the essence. It behooves organizers not to wait until January or the spring to secure funding.
Money is one thing all nonprofits and community organizations need, especially those without corporate sponsorship. A donation or sponsorship of any amount can make the biggest impact if the recipient is a new or smaller organization. Also, be intentional with your spending; patronize LGBTQ businesses, purchase tickets to LGBTQ events, and subscribe to or advertise with LGBTQ media. If organizing events, book local LGBTQ performers, DJs, and hosts/emcees, and offer free resource tables to organizations when you can.
Donating your time and talents can also be impactful, especially to organizations without salaried staff. Some LGBTQ organizations need people for events, and others need help with data entry or miscellaneous administrative tasks. Outdoors, indoors, or online, you can help with something that limited staff or volunteers have put on the proverbial back burner, such as updating graphics or a website. If you seek a leadership role, there are often opportunities to become a board member of a local LGBTQ organization. At the very least, make an effort to like and share information about events, fundraising, and calls for volunteers on social media.
For some people, looking beyond LGBTQ organizations may be a good use of their time and energy. Help create the inclusion that may be missing from “mainstream” organizations. With this being an important election year, registering voters, working at a polling location, or supporting a candidate might be the best use of your time for the next several months.
Whatever inquiries you make, don’t expect immediate responses, immense gratitude, or an enthusiastic welcome. (Unless you contact Team Rayceen Productions; I try to provide all three.) Many organizations have poor communication, often because of personnel limitations or inquiry volume, so your email or DM may not be answered quickly, or at all. Some “groups” are essentially run by an individual, so be patient and, when necessary, persistent.
That leads to something else very important to consider: whether an organization is worthy of your time, talents, and/or money.
Reviewing a website and reading a mission statement is a good start, but that is just a starting point. What is their reputation? What have they accomplished? Do they put their resources to good use?
If they are a tax-exempt organization, information such as their revenue and executive compensation is available on the ProPublica Nonprofit Explorer website. The Charity Navigator website provides additional data and tools. However, the most helpful information may come from members of the community.
Unfortunately, some individuals use their positions to enrich themselves. One such person sits in prison today. Despite receiving numerous accolades and positive media coverage, many people had an idea that something was amiss long before charges were filed. Not that embezzlement, fraud, or other shenanigans are commonplace, but it certainly happens. Look out for red flags. Be leery if asked to sign a non-disclosure agreement. Remove yourself from uncomfortable or inappropriate situations. Report inconsistencies, irregularities, and unethical behavior. Demand transparency and accountability. Don’t let your interest in helping your community lead to your reputation being sullied by association.
If you are unable to find an organization you want to support, consider starting your own. Create whatever it is you cannot find. Start small; your focus could be helping people in need, organizing community events, or forming an activity group. You could create programming for LGBTQ History Month in October. If you want a new Pride month event in your county, town, or neighborhood, start planning now. (Shameless Plug: Rayceen Pendarvis, Empress of Pride, is available for booking.)
Pride should be more than parties and parades, but I hope those things motivate people to be more involved in their communities. The LGBTQ community and its members exist 12 months a year. Whatever your schedule and capacity may be, there is probably something you can do to help.
Zar is a mononymous D.C.-based LGBTQ community advocate, speechwriter, and songwriter who co-founded and served as creative director for Team Rayceen Productions.
