National
Gay House, Senate candidates running strong
Numbers show Baldwin, others winning fundraising battles
Gay and lesbian candidates for the U.S. House and Senate are competitive with — and in some cases besting — their straight opponents when it comes to raising money.
Fundraising numbers for the fourth quarter of 2011 and the year in total became public earlier this month after candidates submitted their campaign filings in accordance with federal election law.
Rep. Tammy Baldwin, who’s seeking to become the first openly gay U.S. senator, made a particularly impressive showing in the final quarter in her bid to represent Wisconsin in the Senate by taking in $1.16 million.
The fourth quarter haul means the Democrat and seven-term House member raised $2.5 million last year for her Senate campaign. She has $1.8 million in cash on hand.
Phillip Walzak, a Baldwin spokesperson, said the number demonstrates the strength of her campaign.
“These figures demonstrate the strength of Tammy’s grassroots campaign, and the depth of support for her message to stand up for our shared values, and put the people ahead of right-wing radicals and corporate special interests,” Walzak said.
Nathan Gonzales, editor of the Rothenberg Political Report, said Baldwin won’t “lose the Senate race because she doesn’t have enough money,” although it remains a toss-up and could be “one the top general elections in the country.”
Gonzales added he doesn’t think Baldwin’s sexual orientation will factor into the race heading into the general election.
“I see Republicans talking about her just being from Madison and how being a liberal Democrat from Madison puts her out of touch with the rest of the state rather than making her sexuality an issue,” Gonzales said.
Republican candidates in the race don’t come close to Baldwin in fundraising. Former Wisconsin Gov. Tommy Thompson raised $657,000 and has $544,000 in cash on hand. Former congressman and gubernatorial candidate Mark Neumann raised $826,000 and has $552,000 in cash on hand.
Denis Dison, spokesperson for the Gay & Lesbian Victory Fund, said Baldwin has “lapped everybody in the field” of Republicans.
“They’re going to be spending that money in the primary,” Dison said. “This is going to be a pretty ugly primary on the Republican side. They’re really going to have to spend all the way to win their nomination.”
Democrat Mark Takano, a gay public school teacher and member of the Riverside Community College District’s Board of Trustees, is also on top in fundraising for the race to represent California’s newly created 41st congressional district — although by a much slimmer margin.
Takano has raised $288,000 in total and has $212,000 in cash on hand. The Republican in the race, Riverside County Supervisor John Tavaglione has raised $275,000 and has $177,000 in cash on hand.
Gonzales said he thinks the race will be “competitive” in the general election, but added that Takano has the advantage.
“I think Republicans looking at numbers think there may be an opportunity there in a mid-term election,” Gonzales said. “In the presidential race where the president is going to do very well in the state, overall, I think, Takano has the edge.”
Rep. David Cicilline, whom many thought would face a tough re-election campaign because of his unpopularity in the polls, is also outraising his Republican opponents and faces no Democratic challenger.
The Rhode Island Democrat has raised a total of $949,000 and has $518,000 in cash on hand. Republican businessman and former law enforcement official Brendan Doherty has raised $617,000 and has $482,000 in cash on hand.
Cicilline nose-dived in the polls last year because he was seen as less than forthcoming about the troubled finances of Providence, R.I., during his tenure as mayor prior to his election to the U.S. House.
The city of 178,000 faced a $110 million projected budget deficit and the rainy-day fund diminished from more than $22.3 million three years ago to less than $221,000, according to a report last year from Politico.
Gonzales said Cicilline’s problem in the general election won’t be money, but his approval rating, and predicted the race will be competitive even though Rhode Island is considered a Democratic state.
“If voters are focused on Cicilline’s record in Congress, then he’ll probably be fine for re-election, if they’re focused on his time as mayor and how they feel about how he described his tenure when he was running for Congress, then his re-election becomes a much dicier proposition,” Gonzales said.
Dison said he thinks Cicilline will do better than expected in the fall because his district was altered during the redistricting process to become even more Democratic.
“It would be very tough for a Republican to win that seat, unless there is a Republican wave out there,” Dison said. “But even in the last election, which was obviously a Republican wave, he won the district pretty handily.”
Other gay candidates aren’t ahead in fundraising, but are still doing well enough to remain competitive in their races.
Democrat Mark Pocan, a gay member of the State Assembly seeking the U.S. House seat Baldwin is vacating at the end of the year, has raised $274,000 and has $204,000 in cash on hand.
But it’s less money than David Worzala, another Democrat and the Dane County Treasurer. The candidate has raised $278,000 and has $252,196 in cash on hand.
Dison said Worzala’s lead in fundraising is misleading because the candidate loaned himself $170,000 and Pocan actually doubled and tripled what the other candidate raised.
“In terms of fundraising, he’s not doing very well raising money from individual donors, whereas Pocan is doing very well both from political action committees and individuals,” Dison said.
Dison added that Pocan’s endorsements are “overwhelming” and said every major Democrat and union has backed the gay candidate in the race.
Both candidates in this race are ahead of Kelda Roys, another Democratic member of the State Assembly, who’s raised $147,000 and has $128,828 in cash on hand.
In Massachusetts, gay Republican Richard Tisei, a former member of the Massachusetts Legislature and former candidate for lieutenant governor, is behind in his bid to unseat Rep. John Tierney (D-Mass.), but still has sizable funds.
Tisei has raised $311,559 and has $260,000 in cash on hand, but the incumbent Tierney, running in the strongly Democratic state, raised $577,545 and has $546,000 in cash on hand.
But looking just at the fourth quarter, Tisei bested Tierney in terms of fundraising. The Republican raised $311,558, almost all the fundraising for his campaign, in that quarter, while Tierney raised $161,105. Another Republican in the race, attorney and businessman Bill Hudak, dropped out of the race after the fundraising totals were announced.
Gonzales said the Democrat is favored and that it will be tough for any Republican, but said there may be a chance to do better than expected in the race.
“It’s still a Democratic district, but because of questions, ethical questions surrounding Tierney, or more specifically, his family, I think there’s an opportunity,” Gonzales said.
Dison said the seat became more winnable for a Republican with redistricting and the major question in the race is the extent to which the Republican Party rallies behind Tisei in the general election.
“The question will be whether the Republican committees here in town see that as a possible pick up, and if they do, then they’re going to get behind him and spend a lot of money there,” Dison said.
According to Politico, Tierney’s brother-in-law, Daniel Eremian, was convicted of federal racketeering charges related to his operation of an illegal offshore casino. Additionally, Patrice Tierney, the lawmaker’s wife and Eremian’s sister, last year was sentenced to one month in prison and five months of house arrest after pleading guilty to charges that she aided in the filing of her brother’s false tax returns.
Gay Rep. Jared Polis (D-Colo.) has raised $353,ooo and has $166,000 in cash on hand. He’s not expected to face serious competition in his heavily Democratic district.
National
Madonna roundup: Reviews, sales, and love for ‘Danceteria’
Pop legend’s new album ‘Confessions II’ earning raves
Madonna isn’t just back, she’s ubiquitous.
From a Times Square takeover to Graham Norton’s couch, the pop legend is busy promoting her new album, “Confessions II,” a sequel to 2005’s “Confessions on a Dance Floor,” that is earning rave reviews.
“Madonna’s back in peak form with a fresh and honest dance record that’s not only her best in 20 years, but a genuinely vital addition to her canon,” says Pitchfork.
“Facing grief and loss has made Madonna’s music deeper than it’s been in 20 years, but also more alive,” the Guardian proclaims.
“If everyone in the club is a work of art, as ‘Danceteria’ says, then to live loudly is to make an indelible mark,” according to Vulture.
The album features upbeat dance productions along with some melancholic views on death and loss. On the song “Betrayal,” she reflects on the recent death of her stepmother Joan, singing, “You’ll never take my mother’s place … you betrayed me, you enslaved me.”
On “L.E.S. Girl,” she revisits her early days living on the Lower East Side and struggling to pay the rent. “Bizarre” seems to reference her failed 1980s marriage to actor Sean Penn. “Test” is a duet with daughter Lola Leon, in which she sings, “I wish I knew / The pain I’ve caused / My butterfly / Was always being watched.”
But the emotional high point of the album comes on “Fragile,” which she wrote about the death of her brother Christopher. The two were close early in Madonna’s career and he designed sets for early tours, including “Blonde Ambition.” But they had a falling out after her marriage to Guy Ritchie and he wrote a scathing tell-all book about his sister that led to years of estrangement. The two reconciled after Christopher’s cancer diagnosis and shortly before he died in 2024 at age 63. She sings, “Late last night I was fast asleep/You came to me in a dream/You said, ‘Don’t forget about me/Don’t forget to be happy.’”
Death emerges again but in a much more upbeat context in “Danceteria,” an ode to the iconic New York nightclub that has emerged as a gay favorite single and seems destined to be the song of the summer in queer nightlife. She recounts her pre-fame days trying to convince a DJ to play her first single “Everybody” at the club and name checks Jean-Michel Basquiat, Keith Haring, best friend Debi Mazar, and DJ Mark Kamins on the track.
Streaming numbers and sales are strong for the new album with projected first week sales of 100,000 ensuring a No.1 debut in the U.S.
U.S. Federal Courts
Three overlooked court rulings limited White House anti-trans policies
Supreme Court narrowed trans rights, advocates saw victories in other decisions
While the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in West Virginia v. B.P.J. continues to dominate headlines about transgender rights, three recent federal court cases produced significant rulings that limited or temporarily blocked Trump-Vance administration policies attacking trans Americans.
Talbott v. USA
Trump issued Executive Order 14183, “Prioritizing Military Excellence and Readiness,” on Jan. 27, 2025, banning trans people from serving in the military. The following day, GLAD Law and the National Center for LGBTQ Rights filed a federal lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia challenging the ban on behalf of six active-duty service members and two individuals seeking to enlist. The organizations argue the policy violates the Fifth Amendment’s guarantee of equal protection under the law.
The plaintiffs sought a nationwide preliminary injunction — a temporary block on enforcement of the executive order while the litigation continued. The district court granted that injunction and later rejected the Trump-Vance administration’s request to dissolve it, temporarily protecting trans service members from being discharged solely because of their gender identity.
That protection, however, was short-lived. In Shilling v. Trump, the Supreme Court stayed the lower court’s injunction, allowing the military to begin enforcing the trans service ban while litigation continued. The U.S. Air Force subsequently required trans service members facing involuntary separation proceedings to appear in uniforms and grooming standards corresponding to their sex assigned at birth and, in some cases, used their deadnames during those proceedings.
Despite that setback, the plaintiffs secured two significant legal victories during Pride month.
On June 1, a federal appeals court blocked the discharge of the trans service members involved in Talbott. Then, on June 30, a federal district court certified the case as a class action on behalf of all currently serving trans service members. That means future rulings in the case will apply not only to the original six plaintiffs but to all active-duty trans military personnel covered by the class.
The case remains ongoing, but class certification significantly strengthens the ability to protect trans service members as the litigation continues. Currently, there are 28 plaintiffs in total, including the two still attempting to enlist.
Z.A. v. Blanche
In Z.A. v. Blanche (formerly Z.A. v. Lucile Salter Packard Children’s Hospital at Stanford), the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California issued an emergency order one day before a federal grand jury subpoena was set to be enforced on July 2. The order blocked the Department of Justice from obtaining confidential medical records belonging to California families whose children receive gender-affirming care.
The ruling relied in part on protections established under the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), the 1996 federal law governing the privacy and security of medical records.
The decision represented a significant check on the administration’s efforts to obtain sensitive patient information, protecting the privacy of trans patients and their families while the legal challenge proceeds.
Doe v. Blanche
Doe v. Blanche, which remains ongoing, challenges Trump’s executive order, Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government. Under policies implementing that order, many trans women in federal custody would be housed in men’s prisons.
A federal district court in D.C. granted a preliminary injunction blocking enforcement of a Bureau of Prisons policy that would require incarcerated trans women to be housed in men’s facilities regardless of individualized safety assessments or the risk of sexual assault.
The Bureau of Prisons policy also conflicts with the goals of the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA), enacted by Congress in 2003 to address sexual abuse in correctional facilities through standards, research, funding, and prevention measures. Federal data has consistently shown that trans people in custody experience sexual assault at dramatically higher rates than the general prison population.
Commentary
When a church fears the rainbow
Puerto Rico pastor objected to Pride symbols outside congregation
There are moments when an incident stops being merely a local story and begins to reveal something much deeper. What happened on June 28 outside One Church, in Comerío, Puerto Rico, belongs in that category.
I do not know who painted the rainbow colors on the asphalt and on a roadside guardrail. I do not know what motivated them, and it is not my place to justify their actions. If someone believes a law was broken, there are authorities and legal mechanisms to address that. That is not the point of this reflection.
The point is the words that followed.
Hours after those colors appeared, Pastor Jorge J. Santiago Reyes went live on social media. He said he felt threatened. He described what happened as a physical attack against his church. He appeared angry and disappointed. He called those who painted the rainbow “cowards” and “charlatans.” He expressed frustration with the support that, according to him, the municipal government of Comerío has shown toward the LGBTQ community, and with those who support posts related to that community. He repeated several times that the people responsible had “crossed the line.” He ended his message by saying, “These charlatans have to be stopped.”
As I listened to his words, I stopped thinking about the paint.
I began thinking about fear.
There is one phrase the pastor repeated again and again: “They crossed the line.” Yet he never explained what that line was. If he was referring to a possible violation of the law, that is for the authorities to determine. If he meant respect for property, there are also procedures to deal with that. But when that line remains undefined and the message begins to associate a rainbow with a threat, the question changes. It is no longer only about a guardrail or a road. It becomes a question about what boundary, in the pastor’s view, was actually crossed.
Paint can be erased.
A brush can cover the asphalt and return a guardrail to its original color.
What does not disappear so easily is the meaning of those colors.
And perhaps that is where the real conflict begins.
It is significant that this happened precisely on June 28, the day when the LGBTQ community remembers a history marked by exclusion, violence, and the struggle for dignity. What represents memory, hope, and the possibility of living without hiding for millions of people was presented by others as a threat.
I do not know why someone painted that rainbow. I do not need to know in order to ask whether those were the words society should expect from a pastor.
A religious leader may feel hurt, frustrated, or angry. What he cannot forget is the responsibility that comes with every public expression. His words do not end when a livestream ends. They move beyond the space of his church, reach people who may never share his faith, and help shape the way others see those who think differently. When a pastor calls other people “charlatans” and “cowards,” says they “have to be stopped,” and turns a rainbow into evidence of an attack, he is no longer speaking only from frustration. He begins to build a discourse that can feed rejection toward a community far larger than the people responsible for that act.
There was another moment in the livestream that caught my attention. The pastor reminded viewers how much he has served Comerío, how much he has accompanied his community, and how much he has worked for it. I have no reason to question that service. I am sure many people can testify to the good he has done.
That is precisely why it was difficult to hear.
Pastoral vocation is not about reminding a town of everything one has done for it when conflict appears. Service does not lose its value when it goes unrecognized; it loses something when it becomes an argument to claim a moral position from which to speak down to others. A person who serves does so because that is the nature of the calling, not because that service grants authority to discredit those who think differently.
As a pastor, that part of the message left me deeply uneasy. Not because I expect ministers of God to be perfect. We are not. But because our words carry weight, we are called to speak with greater responsibility. Some expressions build bridges. Others raise walls. Some words invite encounter. Others end up justifying rejection.
The paint will disappear. A brush will be enough to cover the asphalt and return the guardrail to its original color.
The words will not disappear as easily.
They will remain recorded in a video, shared again and again on social media, and remembered by those who heard them. They will remain long after the last trace of paint has been erased.
When this episode is remembered, it probably will not be because of the rainbow that appeared outside One Church, in Comerío, Puerto Rico.
It will be because of the words a pastor chose to use when speaking about it.
And that difference changes everything.



