Connect with us

homepage news

Trump’s Muslim ban recalls restrictions on gay, HIV-positive people

Longstanding prohibitions undone in Bush, Obama administrations

Published

on

Donald Trump, Values Voter Summit, gay news, Washington Blade
Donald Trump, Values Voter Summit, gay news, Washington Blade

Donald Trump has proposed a ban on Muslims entering the United States. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Donald Trump’s plan to bar Muslims from entering the United States has been criticized as unconstitutional and inhumane, but it’s not unprecedented, as gay and HIV-positive people once faced similar prohibitions.

The United States barred gay people from entering the country by statute until 1990 and HIV-positive people from enteringĀ until the HIV travel ban was finally lifted in 2010.

The ban on gay people first appearedĀ under the Immigration Act of 1917, which was passed by Congress in an override vote ofĀ President Wilson’s veto at a height of xenophobic sentiment in the United States. The law prohibited of a slew of classes of individuals from entering the United States, including anarchists, polygamists and thoseĀ above age 16 who were illiterate.

The law also barred “persons of constitutional psychopathic inferiority,” which almost 60 years before the American Psychological Association would declassify homosexuality as a mental illness was understood to mean gay people.

With the Immigration & Nationality Act of 1952, Congress sought to further clarify its intent by replacing the language with an exclusion on immigrants “with a psychopathic personality,” which were explicitly defined as “homosexuals or sex perverts.” But the bill signed into law by President Truman contained only the language “psychopathic personality.” A Senate Judiciary Report on the bill reveals that phrase was considered “sufficiently broad to provide for the exclusion of homosexuals and sex perverts.”

Gay former Rep. Barney Frank, who led efforts to change the law in 1990 during his tenure in Congress, told the Washington Blade in a brief interview Thursday the gay ban wasn’t fully enforced, but was “harassment and it was a sign of contempt.”

“I think the Muslim ban is worse in many ways in terms of its impact on the rest of the world,” Frank said. “Unfortunately, when America was banning gay people, it was more in synch with the rest of the world. The Muslim ban is outrageous in terms of human rights, but it’s even worse politically in terms of foreign policy.”

In the 1960s, Clive Michael Boutilier, a Canadian national livingĀ in New York, challenged the interpretation of language as a prohibition on gay people entering the United States. When he applied for U.S. citizenship in 1963, he was instead placed in deportation proceedings because he admitted he was arrested in 1959 on charges of sodomy. (The charge was later reduced to simple assault and subsequently dismissed.)

Boutilier didn’t deny he was gay. At the request of the government as part of his citizenship application, he summited an affidavit outlining his sexual behavior in great detail. He said he had his first homosexual experience at age 14 and was a passive participant in the encounter. In the period since he entered the United States in 1955, Boutilier said he had sex with a man on average three or four times a year. Since 1959, Boutilier said he shared an apartment with a man with whom he was having sex.

Boutilier took issue with the language of the ban. Even though he was gay, he said that didn’t mean he had a “psychopathic personality.” But his appeal of the special inquiry officer’s finding was rejected by the Board of Immigration Appeals and the U.S. Second Circuit Court of Appeals.

When his petition was accepted by the U.S. Supreme Court, Congress and the progressive Kennedy and Johnson administrations were so concerned Boutilier would prevail they yet again changed the statutory language. One year after passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Congress changed immigration law in 1965 in a way that banned people from entering the United States who engaged in “sexual deviation.”

As it turned out, the concerns of Congress were unfounded. The famously progressive Warren Court, which ended school segregation and overturned bans on interracial marriage, determined in 1967 the “psychopathic personality” language was intended for gay people based on legislative history.

In a 6-3 decision, former U.S. Associate Justice Tom Clark determined the language was a “term of art intended to exclude homosexuals” and therefore not void under the Fifth Amendment because of vagueness.

“The Government clearly established that petitioner was a homosexual at entry,” Clark wrote. “Having substantial support in the record, we do not now disturb that finding, especially since petitioner admitted being a homosexual at the time of his entry. The existence of this condition over a continuous and uninterrupted period prior to and at the time of petitioner’s entry clearly supports the ultimate finding upon which the order of deportation was based.”

In his dissent, former U.S. Associate Justice William Douglas said the term “psychopathic personality” is “much too vague by constitutional standards for the imposition of penalties or punishment” and invoked the research of contemporaneous sexologist Alfred Kinsey in defense of gay people.

“It is common knowledge that in this century homosexuals have risen high in our own public serviceā€”both in Congress and in the Executive Branchā€”and have served with distinction,” Douglas writes. “It is therefore not credible that Congress wanted to deport everyone and anyone who was a sexual deviate, no matter how blameless his social conduct had been nor how creative his work nor how valuable his contribution to society.”

Frank told the Blade when he was first seated in Congress in 1981, he was “determined to get rid of” the gay travel ban. Although he said the language at that time didn’t have many defenders, he had to resort to a tactic other than outright repeal to make the change.

“My problem was people didn’t want to vote explicitly to repeal it,” Frank said. “So the strategy was to take the whole section which embodied it, and rewrite the section to leave it out so nobody actually had to vote to repeal it.”

In 1990, Congress passed and President George H.W. Bush signed into law the Immigration Act of 1990, which reversed the gay ban in addition to making other changes to immigration law.

“I am also pleased to note that this Act facilitates immigration not just in numerical terms, but also in terms of basic entry rights of those beyond our borders,” Bush said in a signing statement at the time. “S. 358 revises the politically related ‘exclusion grounds’ for the first time since their enactment in 1952.”

Boutilier is considered an unsung hero of the gay rights movement, although Marc Robert Stein, an associate professor of history at York University in Toronto, Ontario, made public details about Boutilier’s life in a 2005 article, “Forgetting and Remembering a Deported Alien.”

Presumably distraught over the Supreme Court’s decision, Boutilier attempted suicide before leaving New York. After surviving a month-long coma that left him brain-damaged with permanent disabilities, he moved to southern Ontario, where his parents cared for him for 20 years. According to one of his relatives, he died of complications from heart disease in April 2003, weeks before Canada legalized same-sex marriage and months before the U.S. Supreme Court struck down state bans on sodomy in Lawrence v. Texas.

The HIV travel ban has a similar story. It was instituted in 1987 at the height of the AIDS crisis by the Reagan administration, which added HIV to the list of “dangerous and contagious diseases” that excluded people from entering the country. That same year, Congress reinforced the policy by passing an amendment from the late Sen. Jesse Helms adding HIV infection to the exclusion list.

Although the Immigration Act of 1990 allowed the Department of Health & Human Services to lift the HIV travel ban, that attempt was thwarted after an outcry from social conservatives. The ban was strengthened in 1993 under reauthorization of the National Institutes of Health, which included language specifying “infection with the etiological agent for acquired immune deficiency syndrome” was reason to bar someone from the United States.

Carl Schmid, deputy executive director of the AIDS institute and champion of lifting the HIV travel ban, said the policy presented complications on determining who was HIV positive ā€” something he says he thinks would be duplicated if Trump’s Muslim ban went into effect.

“It’s really difficult to know who’s HIV positive and who’s not,” Schmid said. “So you connect that to Muslims as well. Who is to know just by looking at someone? I don’t think on your passport it has what religion you are.”

Schmid said the only way customs officers know if a traveller had HIV was if that person was carrying relatedĀ medications.

In 1989, Dutch educator Hans Paul Verhoef was detained for five days in Minneapolis by immigration officials when they found azidothymidine with him en route to San Francisco for an AIDS conference. A waiver was obtained, but not until the conference ended.

The ban also kept the United States from hosting the high-profile annual international AIDS conference. When the conference was held in San Francisco in 1990, more than 70 organizations, including the International Red Cross, boycotted the event because of the HIV travel ban.

Congress would statutorily lift the ban under the administration of President George W. Bush when it renewed his President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief in 2008. But the process wasn’t finished; President Obama had to administratively change federal rules, which finally resulted in the lifting of the ban in 2010.

“We lead the world when it comes to helping stem the AIDS pandemic ā€” yet we are one of only a dozen countries that still bar people withĀ HIV from entering our own country,” Obama said in 2009 upon announcing plans to lift the ban. “If we want to be the global leader in combating HIV/AIDS, we need to act like it. And that’s why, on Monday my administration will publish a final rule that eliminates the travel ban effective just after the New Year.”

Consequently, the nation hosted in 2012 the international AIDS conference in D.C. for the first time since the boycott of the U.S.-held conference in 1990.

Although Trump is considered the front-runner for the GOP nomination, the passage of a Muslim travel ban similar to the bans on gay and HIV-positive people the nation has had in the past seems unlikely.

Frank said he doesn’t think Congress would enact the restriction because “the majority of members know how stupid it is.”

“I don’t think there’s a remote chance of Donald Trump becoming president, but secondly, we’ve already seen it has virtually no support among Republican members of Congress with a Republican majority,” Frank said.

Joe Solmonese, former president of the Human Rights Campaign at the time the HIV travel ban was lifted, said the past treatment of gay people in this country, including travel prohibitions, makes it imperative for the LGBT community to speak out when other minority communities are demonized.

“That’s what’s really important for people to remember,” Solmonese said. “As we continue to be more and more powerful, and less and less the victim of this sort of rhetoric, I think we’ve got a moral obligation to pay attention to ā€” and to speak up and have something to say ā€” about other groups of people who become the victims of this kind of rhetoric.”

Advertisement
FUND LGBTQ JOURNALISM
SIGN UP FOR E-BLAST

homepage news

Honoring the legacy of New Orleansā€™ 1973 UpStairs Lounge fire

Why the arson attack that killed 32 gay men still resonates 50 years later

Published

on

Fifty years ago this week, 32 gay men were killed in an arson attack on the UpStairs Lounge in New Orleans. (Photo by G.E. Arnold/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

On June 23 of last year, I held the microphone as a gay man in the New Orleans City Council Chamber and related a lost piece of queer history to the seven council members. I told this story to disabuse all New Orleanians of the notion that silence and accommodation, in the face of institutional and official failures, are a path to healing.  

The story I related to them began on a typical Sunday night at a second-story bar on the fringe of New Orleansā€™ French Quarter in 1973, where working-class men would gather around a white baby grand piano and belt out the lyrics to a song that was the anthem of their hidden community, ā€œUnited We Standā€ by the Brotherhood of Man. 

ā€œUnited we stand,ā€ the men would sing together, ā€œdivided we fallā€ ā€” the words epitomizing the ethos of their beloved UpStairs Lounge bar, an egalitarian free space that served as a forerunner to todayā€™s queer safe havens. 

Around that piano in the 1970s Deep South, gays and lesbians, white and Black queens, Christians and non-Christians, and even early gender minorities could cast aside the racism, sexism, and homophobia of the times to find acceptance and companionship for a moment. 

For regulars, the UpStairs Lounge was a miracle, a small pocket of acceptance in a broader world where their very identities were illegal. 

On the Sunday night of June 24, 1973, their voices were silenced in a murderous act of arson that claimed 32 lives and still stands as the deadliest fire in New Orleans history ā€” and the worst mass killing of gays in 20th century America. 

As 13 fire companies struggled to douse the inferno, police refused to question the chief suspect, even though gay witnesses identified and brought the soot-covered man to officers idly standing by. This suspect, an internally conflicted gay-for-pay sex worker named Rodger Dale Nunez, had been ejected from the UpStairs Lounge screaming the word “burn” minutes before, but New Orleans police rebuffed the testimony of fire survivors on the street and allowed Nunez to disappear.

As the fire raged, police denigrated the deceased to reporters on the street: ā€œSome thieves hung out there, and you know this was a queer bar.ā€ 

For days afterward, the carnage met with official silence. With no local gay political leaders willing to step forward, national Gay Liberation-era figures like Rev. Troy Perry of the Metropolitan Community Church flew in to ā€œhelp our bereaved brothers and sistersā€ ā€” and shatter officialdomā€™s code of silence. 

Perry broke local taboos by holding a press conference as an openly gay man. ā€œItā€™s high time that you people, in New Orleans, Louisiana, got the message and joined the rest of the Union,ā€ Perry said. 

Two days later, on June 26, 1973, as families hesitated to step forward to identify their kin in the morgue, UpStairs Lounge owner Phil Esteve stood in his badly charred bar, the air still foul with death. He rebuffed attempts by Perry to turn the fire into a call for visibility and progress for homosexuals. 

ā€œThis fire had very little to do with the gay movement or with anything gay,ā€ Esteve told a reporter from The Philadelphia Inquirer. ā€œI do not want my bar or this tragedy to be used to further any of their causes.ā€ 

Conspicuously, no photos of Esteve appeared in coverage of the UpStairs Lounge fire or its aftermath ā€” and the bar owner also remained silent as he witnessed police looting the ashes of his business. 

ā€œPhil said the cash register, juke box, cigarette machine and some wallets had money removed,ā€ recounted Esteveā€™s friend Bob McAnear, a former U.S. Customs officer. ā€œPhil wouldnā€™t report it because, if he did, police would never allow him to operate a bar in New Orleans again.ā€ 

The next day, gay bar owners, incensed at declining gay bar traffic amid an atmosphere of anxiety, confronted Perry at a clandestine meeting. ā€œHow dare you hold your damn news conferences!ā€ one business owner shouted. 

Ignoring calls for gay self-censorship, Perry held a 250-person memorial for the fire victims the following Sunday, July 1, culminating in mourners defiantly marching out the front door of a French Quarter church into waiting news cameras. ā€œReverend Troy Perry awoke several sleeping giants, me being one of them,ā€ recalled Charlene Schneider, a lesbian activist who walked out of that front door with Perry.

(Photo by G.E. Arnold/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

Esteve doubted the UpStairs Lounge storyā€™s capacity to rouse gay political fervor. As the coroner buried four of his former patrons anonymously on the edge of town, Esteve quietly collected at least $25,000 in fire insurance proceeds. Less than a year later, he used the money to open another gay bar called the Post Office, where patrons of the UpStairs Lounge ā€” some with visible burn scars ā€” gathered but were discouraged from singing ā€œUnited We Stand.ā€ 

New Orleans cops neglected to question the chief arson suspect and closed the investigation without answers in late August 1973. Gay elites in the cityā€™s power structure began gaslighting the mourners who marched with Perry into the news cameras, casting suspicion on their memories and re-characterizing their moment of liberation as a stunt. 

When a local gay journalist asked in April 1977, ā€œWhere are the gay activists in New Orleans?,ā€ Esteve responded that there were none, because none were needed. ā€œWe donā€™t feel weā€™re discriminated against,ā€ Esteve said. ā€œNew Orleans gays are different from gays anywhere elseā€¦ Perhaps there is some correlation between the amount of gay activism in other cities and the degree of police harassment.ā€ 

(Photo by H.J. Patterson/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

An attitude of nihilism and disavowal descended upon the memory of the UpStairs Lounge victims, goaded by Esteve and fellow gay entrepreneurs who earned their keep via gay patrons drowning their sorrows each night instead of protesting the injustices that kept them drinking. 

Into the 1980s, the story of the UpStairs Lounge all but vanished from conversation ā€” with the exception of a few sanctuaries for gay political debate such as the local lesbian bar Charleneā€™s, run by the activist Charlene Schneider. 

By 1988, the 15th anniversary of the fire, the UpStairs Lounge narrative comprised little more than a call for better fire codes and indoor sprinklers. UpStairs Lounge survivor Stewart Butler summed it up: ā€œA tragedy that, as far as I know, no good came of.ā€ 

Finally, in 1991, at Stewart Butler and Charlene Schneiderā€™s nudging, the UpStairs Lounge story became aligned with the crusade of liberated gays and lesbians seeking equal rights in Louisiana. The halls of power responded with intermittent progress. The New Orleans City Council, horrified by the story but not yet ready to take its look in the mirror, enacted an anti-discrimination ordinance protecting gays and lesbians in housing, employment, and public accommodations that Dec. 12 ā€” more than 18 years after the fire. 

ā€œI believe the fire was the catalyst for the anger to bring us all to the table,ā€ Schneider told The Times-Picayune, a tacit rebuke to Esteveā€™s strategy of silent accommodation. Even Esteve seemed to change his stance with time, granting a full interview with the first UpStairs Lounge scholar Johnny Townsend sometime around 1989. 

Most of the figures in this historic tale are now deceased. Whatā€™s left is an enduring story that refused to go gently. The story now echoes around the world ā€” a musical about the UpStairs Lounge fire recently played in Tokyo, translating the gay underworld of the 1973 French Quarter for Japanese audiences.

When I finished my presentation to the City Council last June, I looked up to see the seven council members in tears. Unanimously, they approved a resolution acknowledging the historic failures of city leaders in the wake of the UpStairs Lounge fire. 

Council members personally apologized to UpStairs Lounge families and survivors seated in the chamber in a symbolic act that, though it could not bring back those who died, still mattered greatly to those whose pain had been denied, leaving them to grieve alone. At long last, official silence and indifference gave way to heartfelt words of healing. 

The way Americans remember the past is an active, ongoing process. Our collective memory is malleable, but it matters because it speaks volumes about our maturity as a people, how we acknowledge the pastā€™s influence in our lives, and how it shapes the examples we set for our youth. Do we grapple with difficult truths, or do we duck accountability by defaulting to nostalgia and bluster? Or worse, do we simply ignore the past until it fades into a black hole of ignorance and indifference? 

I believe that a factual retelling of the UpStairs Lounge tragedy ā€” and how, 50 years onward, it became known internationally ā€” resonates beyond our current divides. It reminds queer and non-queer Americans that ignoring the past holds back the present, and that silence is no cure for what ails a participatory nation. 

Silence isolates. Silence gaslights and shrouds. It preserves the power structures that scapegoat the disempowered. 

Solidarity, on the other hand, unites. Solidarity illuminates a path forward together. Above all, solidarity transforms the downtrodden into a resounding chorus of citizens ā€” in the spirit of voices who once gathered ā€˜round a white baby grand piano and sang, joyfully and loudly, ā€œUnited We Stand.ā€ 

(Photo by Philip Ames/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

Robert W. Fieseler is a New Orleans-based journalist and the author of ā€œTinderbox: the Untold Story of the Up Stairs Lounge Fire and the Rise of Gay Liberation.ā€

Continue Reading

homepage news

New Supreme Court term includes critical LGBTQ case with ‘terrifying’ consequences

Business owner seeks to decline services for same-sex weddings

Published

on

The U.S. Supreme Court is to set consider the case of 303 Creative, which seeks to refuse design services for same-sex weddings. (Blade file photo by Michael Key)

The U.S. Supreme Court, after a decision overturning Roe v. Wade that still leaves many reeling, is starting a new term with justices slated to revisit the issue of LGBTQ rights.

In 303 Creative v. Elenis, the court will return to the issue of whether or not providers of custom-made goods can refuse service to LGBTQ customers on First Amendment grounds. In this case, the business owner is Lorie Smith, a website designer in Colorado who wants to opt out of providing her graphic design services for same-sex weddings despite the civil rights law in her state.

Jennifer Pizer, acting chief legal officer of Lambda Legal, said in an interview with the Blade, “it’s not too much to say an immeasurably huge amount is at stake” for LGBTQ people depending on the outcome of the case.

“This contrived idea that making custom goods, or offering a custom service, somehow tacitly conveys an endorsement of the person ā€” if that were to be accepted, that would be a profound change in the law,” Pizer said. “And the stakes are very high because there are no practical, obvious, principled ways to limit that kind of an exception, and if the law isn’t clear in this regard, then the people who are at risk of experiencing discrimination have no security, no effective protection by having a non-discrimination laws, because at any moment, as one makes their way through the commercial marketplace, you don’t know whether a particular business person is going to refuse to serve you.”

The upcoming arguments and decision in the 303 Creative case mark a return to LGBTQ rights for the Supreme Court, which had no lawsuit to directly address the issue in its previous term, although many argued the Dobbs decision put LGBTQ rights in peril and threatened access to abortion for LGBTQ people.

And yet, the 303 Creative case is similar to other cases the Supreme Court has previously heard on the providers of services seeking the right to deny services based on First Amendment grounds, such as Masterpiece Cakeshop and Fulton v. City of Philadelphia. In both of those cases, however, the court issued narrow rulings on the facts of litigation, declining to issue sweeping rulings either upholding non-discrimination principles or First Amendment exemptions.

Pizer, who signed one of the friend-of-the-court briefs in opposition to 303 Creative, said the case is “similar in the goals” of the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation on the basis they both seek exemptions to the same non-discrimination law that governs their business, the Colorado Anti-Discrimination Act, or CADA, and seek “to further the social and political argument that they should be free to refuse same-sex couples or LGBTQ people in particular.”

“So there’s the legal goal, and it connects to the social and political goals and in that sense, it’s the same as Masterpiece,” Pizer said. “And so there are multiple problems with it again, as a legal matter, but also as a social matter, because as with the religion argument, it flows from the idea that having something to do with us is endorsing us.”

One difference: the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation stemmed from an act of refusal of service after owner, Jack Phillips, declined to make a custom-made wedding cake for a same-sex couple for their upcoming wedding. No act of discrimination in the past, however, is present in the 303 Creative case. The owner seeks to put on her website a disclaimer she won’t provide services for same-sex weddings, signaling an intent to discriminate against same-sex couples rather than having done so.

As such, expect issues of standing ā€” whether or not either party is personally aggrieved and able bring to a lawsuit ā€” to be hashed out in arguments as well as whether the litigation is ripe for review as justices consider the case. It’s not hard to see U.S. Chief Justice John Roberts, who has sought to lead the court to reach less sweeping decisions (sometimes successfully, and sometimes in the Dobbs case not successfully) to push for a decision along these lines.

Another key difference: The 303 Creative case hinges on the argument of freedom of speech as opposed to the two-fold argument of freedom of speech and freedom of religious exercise in the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation. Although 303 Creative requested in its petition to the Supreme Court review of both issues of speech and religion, justices elected only to take up the issue of free speech in granting a writ of certiorari (or agreement to take up a case). Justices also declined to accept another question in the petition request of review of the 1990 precedent in Smith v. Employment Division, which concluded states can enforce neutral generally applicable laws on citizens with religious objections without violating the First Amendment.

Representing 303 Creative in the lawsuit is Alliance Defending Freedom, a law firm that has sought to undermine civil rights laws for LGBTQ people with litigation seeking exemptions based on the First Amendment, such as the Masterpiece Cakeshop case.

Kristen Waggoner, president of Alliance Defending Freedom, wrote in a Sept. 12 legal brief signed by her and other attorneys that a decision in favor of 303 Creative boils down to a clear-cut violation of the First Amendment.

“Colorado and the United States still contend that CADA only regulates sales transactions,” the brief says. “But their cases do not apply because they involve non-expressive activities: selling BBQ, firing employees, restricting school attendance, limiting club memberships, and providing room access. Coloradoā€™s own cases agree that the government may not use public-accommodation laws to affect a commercial actorā€™s speech.”

Pizer, however, pushed back strongly on the idea a decision in favor of 303 Creative would be as focused as Alliance Defending Freedom purports it would be, arguing it could open the door to widespread discrimination against LGBTQ people.

“One way to put it is art tends to be in the eye of the beholder,” Pizer said. “Is something of a craft, or is it art? I feel like I’m channeling Lily Tomlin. Remember ‘soup and art’? We have had an understanding that whether something is beautiful or not is not the determining factor about whether something is protected as artistic expression. There’s a legal test that recognizes if this is speech, whose speech is it, whose message is it? Would anyone who was hearing the speech or seeing the message understand it to be the message of the customer or of the merchants or craftsmen or business person?”

Despite the implications in the case for LGBTQ rights, 303 Creative may have supporters among LGBTQ people who consider themselves proponents of free speech.

One joint friend-of-the-court brief before the Supreme Court, written by Dale Carpenter, a law professor at Southern Methodist University who’s written in favor of LGBTQ rights, and Eugene Volokh, a First Amendment legal scholar at the University of California, Los Angeles, argues the case is an opportunity to affirm the First Amendment applies to goods and services that are uniquely expressive.

“Distinguishing expressive from non-expressive products in some contexts might be hard, but the Tenth Circuit agreed that Smithā€™s product does not present a hard case,” the brief says. “Yet that court (and Colorado) declined to recognize any exemption for products constituting speech. The Tenth Circuit has effectively recognized a state interest in subjecting the creation of speech itself to antidiscrimination laws.”

Oral arguments in the case aren’t yet set, but may be announced soon. Set to defend the state of Colorado and enforcement of its non-discrimination law in the case is Colorado Solicitor General Eric Reuel Olson. Just this week, the U.S. Supreme Court announced it would grant the request to the U.S. solicitor general to present arguments before the justices on behalf of the Biden administration.

With a 6-3 conservative majority on the court that has recently scrapped the super-precedent guaranteeing the right to abortion, supporters of LGBTQ rights may think the outcome of the case is all but lost, especially amid widespread fears same-sex marriage would be next on the chopping block. After the U.S. Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against 303 Creative in the lawsuit, the simple action by the Supreme Court to grant review in the lawsuit suggests they are primed to issue a reversal and rule in favor of the company.

Pizer, acknowledging the call to action issued by LGBTQ groups in the aftermath of the Dobbs decision, conceded the current Supreme Court issuing the ruling in this case is “a terrifying prospect,” but cautioned the issue isn’t so much the makeup of the court but whether or not justices will continue down the path of abolishing case law.

“I think the question that we’re facing with respect to all of the cases or at least many of the cases that are in front of the court right now, is whether this court is going to continue on this radical sort of wrecking ball to the edifice of settled law and seemingly a goal of setting up whole new structures of what our basic legal principles are going to be. Are we going to have another term of that?” Pizer said. “And if so, that’s terrifying.”

Continue Reading

homepage news

Kelley Robinson, a Black, queer woman, named president of Human Rights Campaign

Progressive activist a veteran of Planned Parenthood Action Fund

Published

on

Kelley Robinson (Screen capture via HRC YouTube)

Kelley Robinson, a Black, queer woman and veteran of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, is to become the next president of the Human Rights Campaign, the nation’s leading LGBTQ group announced on Tuesday.

Robinson is set to become the ninth president of the Human Rights Campaign after having served as executive director of Planned Parenthood Action Fund and more than 12 years of experience as a leader in the progressive movement. She’ll be the first Black, queer woman to serve in that role.

ā€œIā€™m honored and ready to lead HRC ā€” and our more than three million member-advocates ā€” as we continue working to achieve equality and liberation for all Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer people,ā€ Robinson said. ā€œThis is a pivotal moment in our movement for equality for LGBTQ+ people. We, particularly our trans and BIPOC communities, are quite literally in the fight for our lives and facing unprecedented threats that seek to destroy us.”

Kelley Robinson IS NAMED as The next human rights Campaign president

The next Human Rights Campaign president is named as Democrats are performing well in polls in the mid-term elections after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, leaving an opening for the LGBTQ group to play a key role amid fears LGBTQ rights are next on the chopping block.

“The overturning of Roe v. Wade reminds us we are just one Supreme Court decision away from losing fundamental freedoms including the freedom to marry, voting rights, and privacy,” Robinson said. “We are facing a generational opportunity to rise to these challenges and create real, sustainable change. I believe that working together this change is possible right now. This next chapter of the Human Rights Campaign is about getting to freedom and liberation without any exceptions ā€” and today I am making a promise and commitment to carry this work forward.ā€

The Human Rights Campaign announces its next president after a nearly year-long search process after the board of directors terminated its former president Alphonso David when he was ensnared in the sexual misconduct scandal that led former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo to resign. David has denied wrongdoing and filed a lawsuit against the LGBTQ group alleging racial discrimination.

Kelley Robinson, Planned Parenthood, Cathy Chu, SMYAL, Supporting and Mentoring Youth Advocates and Leaders, Amy Nelson, Whitman-Walker Health, Sheroes of the Movement, Mayor's office of GLBT Affairs, gay news, Washington Blade
Kelley Robinson, seen here with Cathy Chu of SMYAL and Amy Nelson of Whitman-Walker Health, is the next Human Rights Campaign president. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)
Continue Reading
Advertisement
Advertisement

Sign Up for Weekly E-Blast

Follow Us @washblade

Advertisement

Popular