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U.S. Attorney speaks out on hate crimes in D.C.

Liu disputes claims her office isn’t adequately prosecuting hate crimes

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Jessie K. Liu, gay news, Washington Blade
Jessie K. Liu, the United States Attorney for the District of Columbia, says she disagrees with critics who say her office has failed to adequately prosecute hate crimes.

Jessie K. Liu, the United States Attorney for the District of Columbia, says she strongly disagrees with critics who say her office has failed to adequately prosecute hate crimes in D.C., including about half of the reported hate crimes last year in which the victims were lesbian, gay or transgender.

In an Oct. 25 interview with the Washington Blade, Liu said her office has prosecuted the underlying offense, such as threats, assault, murder, or other criminal offenses, in the vast majority of hate crimes cases when her office dropped the hate crimes designation.

As she has stated in recent public meetings, Liu told the Blade prosecutors must be able to prove beyond a reasonable doubt to a jury that hate was a motive for someone arrested by D.C. police for a criminal offense designated by police as a hate crime.

Liu noted that D.C. police, whom she has praised for being highly trained on how to recognize a hate crime, have a lesser burden of showing “probable cause” when they make an arrest and designate the offense as a possible bias related crime.

“We are prosecuting the underlying offense in the vast, vast majority of cases that are brought to us by MPD as potential bias related crimes,” she said. “And so that’s something I think is important to understand – that this is not a situation where the police are bringing us potential bias related offenses and we’re doing nothing at all,” Liu said. “We’re doing quite a bit.”

Liu spoke to the Blade two days after D.C. Council member Charles Allen (D-Ward 6), who serves as chair of the Council’s Committee on the Judiciary and Public Safety, criticized Liu for declining to appear at an Oct. 23 committee hearing on the subject of hate crimes.

Prior to the start of the hearing, Allen released a statement citing a Washington Post investigative report earlier this year that found prosecutions had declined sharply in recent years for cases with a hate crime designation.

“Despite 113 arrests in bias-motivated crimes in the past two years, the U.S. Attorney’s Office prosecuted only five as a hate crime, with two of those ending with a plea deal,” Allen said in his statement.

“D.C.’s LGBTQ residents are being attacked because of bias and hatred against who they are, yet prosecutions using hate crime enhancements are almost non-existent,” Allen stated. “That is a very distressing message to send to victims and survivors and the broader community,” he said.

During the Oct. 23 hearing, Allen criticized Liu for declining his invitation to appear at the hearing to testify on what he called her office’s “failure” to adequately prosecute hate crimes in D.C.

Liu instead sent Allen and the committee a seven-page letter describing in detail her office’s procedures and policies for prosecuting hate crimes and several changes she has made to step up efforts to investigate crimes considered bias related. In a separate statement released to the press, Liu said she chose not to appear at the hearing, in part, because she believed the hearing’s title showed a bias toward her office’s handling of hate crimes cases.

“What I actually said, and I can clarify that, was that I think the title of the hearing, which was “Hate Crimes In The District Of Columbia and The Failure To Prosecute By The Office of The United States Attorney,” suggests that the Council or at least the committee had already reached a conclusion before hearing all of the facts that would be aired at the hearing,” Liu told the Blade.

“In light of that, I thought the more productive thing to do was to send a letter that would provide a more full explanation of our work in this area,” she said. “My office and I remain open to talking with all of our community partners, including the Council if they would like to do that, about how we as a community can address this issue most effectively.”

When asked about one of the findings of the Washington Post investigative report on D.C. hate crimes that significantly more hate crimes prosecutions were brought by the two previous D.C. U.S. Attorneys than have been brought by the office under Liu’s leadership, she said her office was looking to why that appears to be the case.

“That’s something that we’re looking at,” she said. “And I don’t have a very clear answer as to why that might be,” she continued. “What I will say is that there has been a suggestion that maybe there’s been some sort of policy change within the office to not be as aggressive about pursuing bias related offenses. And that’s just not true.”

Washington Blade: In your letter to D.C. Council member Charles Allen, who chairs the committee that held a hearing on Oct. 23 on concerns that your office was not adequately prosecuting hate crimes, you said you would not appear at the hearing because you thought the hearing and Council member Allen might be biased in interpreting the intentions of the U.S. Attorney. Can you elaborate on that?

Jessie Liu: Well I think what I actually said, and I can clarify that, was that I think the title of the hearing, which was “Hate Crimes In The District of Columbia and The Failure To Prosecute By The Office of The United States Attorney” suggests that the Council or at least the committee had already reached a conclusion before hearing all of the facts that would be aired at the hearing.

In light of that, I thought the more productive thing to do was to send a letter that would provide a more full explanation of our work in this area. My office and I remain open to talking with all of our community partners, including the Council if they would like to do that, about how we as a community can address this issue most effectively.

Blade: One of the things Councilman Allen, the chairman of the committee, said at the hearing was he received your letter and read it and acknowledged it was quite detailed. But he said that by you not being there to testify in person prevented him and others on the committee from asking you specific follow-up questions. He said one question would have been about your mentioning that some changes might be needed in the city’s hate crimes law to address possible ambiguous wording that has led to jury instructions that you have said may be bias against prosecutors. Would you be willing to answer those questions if they were to send them to you?

Liu: Yeah, we would certainly take a look at anything the Council would like to send. And again, we have no problem in engaging with the Council. I think we’ve long had a very productive relationship with the Council. But the way this particular hearing was filed and the statement that there was a failure by my office in the very title of the hearing I think just doesn’t give much opportunity for a productive discussion. And so if the Council was interested in engaging productively with us of course I would love to do that.

You have seen me at a number of Hate Violence Task Force meetings. You and I have had conversations at those meetings. We have had meetings with other community groups, including as I said in the letter, the ADL [Anti-Defamation League] and the ANC Rainbow Caucus. And I think all of those discussions have been very, very productive. But those are situations where I think all the participants come with an open mind…and I’m happy to continue those discussions.

Blade: One other thing that came up at the Council hearing was that you reportedly had not responded to D.C. Congressional Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton’s inquiries about D.C. hate crimes.

Liu: You know I can address that. We responded to that. We responded to Congresswoman Norton in writing.

The other thing that I want to just highlight in context on the manner in which we responded to the Council—- as you know, we did send a very detailed letter — seven pages in length. Just historically speaking, I don’t think that any of my predecessors have personally testified at a Council hearing in at least the last 10 years. We did go back and ask around the office to see whether, for example, Ron Machen or Channing Phillips testified personally at a D.C. Council hearing and I don’t believe that they did.

We do of course have a career prosecutor testify. And in the past that’s been Pat Reilly at times who is now retired from my office or Arana Cooper. But we don’t always testify. And the Council’s hearing notices will say you can testify in person or you can send a written statement. And this was an instance where we thought — and frankly some of the complexities of the issues — that it was better to send a written statement.

But this is not a situation where we ignore the Council. We view the Council as a very important partner in the work we do. We hope that they see us in the same way. We wouldn’t ignore them. I understand there has been some commentary suggesting that we’re giving the Council the back of our hand or we’re being disrespectful. And I don’t agree with that.

Blade: As you may have heard, the chair of the committee, Charles Allen, said something like that at the end of the hearing. Are you saying you responded adequately in your detailed letter?

Liu: Well yes. I think it was a very detailed letter. I think in a number of other hearings that happened since the Council returned from recess – there was a hearing on fire arms trafficking. I understand that there was some unhappiness that we did not have someone there in person with that hearing. We did send a very detailed letter on that occasion as well. The committee also held a hearing – I think it was the 17th going into the morning actually into the 18th – on a proposal to decriminalize sex work and commercial sex work. And we had four or five representatives from our office there who testified at around midnight on Oct. 17 going into the morning on Oct. 18.

So these are all career prosecutors who had to stay up until very late at night and appeared before the Council very late at night to give our views. We also had a written statement about which was provided by Arana Cooper on that occasion. I just don’t think the record shows that we are ignoring the Council.

Blade: At yesterday’s Council hearing on the hate crime issue, a deputy D.C. Attorney General testified on the hate crimes issue and said their office has submitted a bill to the Council that would give them authority to file civil suits against people charged with a hate crime even if a criminal charge is not filed or is dropped. They prosecute mostly juveniles. Is that something your office has considered? Could that be a tool to be used for dealing with hate crimes?

Liu: You know I don’t think I would have much to say on that. The AG’s office is the entity that has civil enforcement authority. We file civil lawsuits under federal law. I think maybe there could be something done under federal law that I’m not aware of in terms of civil lawsuits like that. But I’m not aware that we have the ability to do that under D.C. law.

Blade: The Deputy Attorney General also said something some people may not be aware of. She said the statute already has a provision that allows victims of hate crimes to file some civil action. But she said it is very rare that anyone has done that. She said the reason is that the alleged perpetrators most likely would not have the ability to pay any financial penalty they are given.

Liu: It’s a civil judgement. I don’t know. I can’t really speak to that. I do want to point out something which I point out in the letter and have pointed out in public comment as well, which is we are prosecuting the underlying offense in the vast, vast majority of cases that are brought to us by MPD as potential bias related crimes. So it’s not the case that MPD is bringing us arrests and saying, hey, these may be bias related and we’re not doing anything at all.

Even when we don’t bring the enhancement we are bringing in the vast majority of cases criminal charges of some sort. So for example MPD could present us with a defendant who has been arrested for assault and flagged it as a potential bias related assault. Even if we conclude we can’t make out the bias motivation beyond a reasonable doubt, in many of these cases we are charging the assault.

And so that’s something I think is important to understand – that this is not a situation where the police are bringing us potential bias related offenses and we’re doing nothing at all. We are doing quite a bit.

Blade: Most people familiar with the court system would agree that prosecutors have a greater burden to prove to a jury beyond a reasonable doubt that a hate crime was committed while the police have a lesser burden of arresting someone for just probable cause. But the Washington Post pointed out in its report on the prosecution of hate crimes by the U.S. Attorney’s Office in D.C. that in earlier years there were many more hate crime prosecutions than during the past two years under your leadership.

Liu: I think that’s been the thrust of their articles ever since August when the first article came out. That’s something that we’re looking at. And I don’t have a very clear answer as to why that might be. What I will say is that there has been a suggestion that maybe there’s been some sort of policy change within the office to not be as aggressive about pursuing bias related offenses. And that’s just not true.

We have taken a very careful look at our practice and our policies over the last seven years. I guess 2012 was the first year that the Post had stats and there hasn’t been a policy change since then. There’s been a suggestion I think in some quarters that perhaps the current office leadership is less committed to pursuing bias related offenses than my predecessors. And there’s no basis for that either.

So I can’t say that firmly enough. You’ve met a lot of the people who are involved in screening and investigating and prosecuting potential bias related offenses – you have had the benefit of actually meeting our hate crimes coordinators at the Hate Bias Task Force meetings. And up and down the office, these are career prosecutors who have been in the office for years over many, many administrations who are responsible for looking at these arrests, and everything has to be evaluated on its own facts in deciding what to charge.

So I think that to the extent that there is a suggestion out there that I am less committed to doing this, to pursing potential bias related prosecutions than my predecessors, that’s just not true. …

Blade: It was helpful to have listened to them at the task force meeting. But one other thing that Councilman Allen mentioned after the hearing was that if you had been there they could have asked you to elaborate more on whether there is a need to revise the D.C. hate crimes law to deal with the issue of possible ambiguities that you have raised and the issue of the jury instructions. One of the witnesses who testified at the hearing – a defense attorney – said he is on the committee that writes the jury instructions. He said the committee includes representatives of the U.S. Attorney’s office, defense lawyers, and court personnel.

Liu: Yeah, there’s a committee and my understanding is that they are going to consider – take a look at the standard Redbook instructions for bias related crimes. As I said in my letter, I think that there are some confusing elements about the jury instructions. And there is a dispute actually, a legal dispute between my office and the Public Defender Service as to precisely what the government has to show in terms of the degree of motivation to make out a bias related offense. The Public Defender Service has argued in litigation that the government has to show that the defendant’s bias was the only cause of the crime. In other words it was the only reason and that was the reason that the crime occurred.

Our position – my office’s position – is that we need only show that the defendant’s bias was a contributing factor and there might have been other reasons – personal anger, revenge, you know, what have you. But as long as we can show that the defendant’s bias was a factor in the crime that we should be able to get a conviction on the bias related enhancement. So that’s an open legal question that is before the D.C. Court of Appeals. So when the D.C. Court of Appeals rules on that we’ll have an answer to it.

And I think as you and I discussed at the last Hate Bias Task Force meeting, I think the language of the statute itself is a little bit unclear. So the statute defines a bias related crime as a crime that quote unquote demonstrates the accused’s prejudice. And I think people reading that statute could have a legitimate disagreement about exactly what that means.

Blade: One of the witnesses at the hearing, Advisory Neighborhood Commissioner Mike Silverstein, urged the Council to change the law so that it becomes clear that hate need only be one of the motives of a crime in order for the person to be convicted on a hate crime enhancement. Isn’t that the position you are arguing?

Liu: Yes, that’s the position that we have taken in litigation. But as I say, it’s certainly not so clear that there’s no disagreement over it.

Blade: And that’s what the witness asked the Council to clarify. So when I asked Councilman Allen about that he said the U.S. Attorney should come to us and say exactly what she thinks should be changed. Is that something you think you could tell them, possibly in a written brief?

Liu: Yeah, I think that’s a useful conversation to have. So we would welcome having that conversation.

Blade: You and others have mentioned this appeals court case on this issue. But have you said it can’t be released because it may be sealed?

Liu: You know this is interesting. It was publicly argued about a month or so ago and I believe the briefs are still publicly available. But one of the defendants was subject to a Youth Act set aside. And so we have been just out of an abundance of caution not mentioning that person’s name publicly. So what we could do. I don’t know what your deadline is. But we can dig into that a little bit more and see if there’ s more information we can provide you. Just because of the Youth Act element we’ve really tried to be careful and not run afoul of that statute.

Blade: OK. And one final question — the same witness, Mike Silverstein, called on the Council to change the juvenile law so that the dispositions in juvenile cases become public without releasing the name or identifying in any way the juvenile offender. He noted that in a number of recent cases where transgender women and also LGBT people in general have been attacked and injured the people arrested have been juvenile males.

Liu: I think that’s something for the Attorney General to comment on. You may know we do Title 16 cases involving 16 and 17 year olds who are charged with very serious offenses. But because the AG has jurisdiction over juveniles more generally, that question is better put to him.

Blade: Is that something your office decides on, whether to charge a juvenile as an adult if it’s a very serious crime?

Liu: Yes, a very, very serious – and I don’t recall an incident where we had 16 or 17-year-olds who qualified for a Title 16 treatment that was involved in a potential bias related offense. And there could have been one that I’m just not aware of it or I’m just not recalling right now. But there’s a pretty small number of cases where we charge 16 and 17-year-olds as adults under Title 16. And the vast, vast majority of juvenile cases are handled by the AG’s office.

Blade: What message would you have to members of the LGBT community should they unfortunately become of victim of a hate crime in terms of how the case would be handled by your office for prosecution?

Liu: Well in terms of prosecution as with any crime that’s brought to us for potential prosecution we are going to look at the facts of that case. We’re going to make a fair determination about the most appropriate charge to bring. The cases that are flagged for us as potentially bias related by MPD, we have been bringing criminal charges in the vast majority of those cases. And we have a very robust victim-witness unit. We are committed to working with victims and to staying in touch with them. We take all of our obligations under the victims’ rights statutes very seriously.

But we want to go beyond that too. I really think we do have a great set of advocates. We have about 17 people in the office right now whose job it is to help victims and witnesses of crimes through the criminal justice process. We’re committed to ongoing and robust engagement with the community.

And you’ve seen what we do with the Hate Bias Task Force. We have community prosecutors and community outreach specialists who are out in the community pretty much every night of the week. I personally have met with Mike Silverstein’s group, the ANC’s Rainbow Caucus We welcome dialogue with our partners in the community. And they should reach out to our community outreach division if there’s something they want to talk about. And we absolutely welcome that dialogue.

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Honoring the legacy of New Orleans’ 1973 UpStairs Lounge fire

Why the arson attack that killed 32 gay men still resonates 50 years later

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Fifty years ago this week, 32 gay men were killed in an arson attack on the UpStairs Lounge in New Orleans. (Photo by G.E. Arnold/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

On June 23 of last year, I held the microphone as a gay man in the New Orleans City Council Chamber and related a lost piece of queer history to the seven council members. I told this story to disabuse all New Orleanians of the notion that silence and accommodation, in the face of institutional and official failures, are a path to healing.  

The story I related to them began on a typical Sunday night at a second-story bar on the fringe of New Orleans’ French Quarter in 1973, where working-class men would gather around a white baby grand piano and belt out the lyrics to a song that was the anthem of their hidden community, “United We Stand” by the Brotherhood of Man. 

“United we stand,” the men would sing together, “divided we fall” — the words epitomizing the ethos of their beloved UpStairs Lounge bar, an egalitarian free space that served as a forerunner to today’s queer safe havens. 

Around that piano in the 1970s Deep South, gays and lesbians, white and Black queens, Christians and non-Christians, and even early gender minorities could cast aside the racism, sexism, and homophobia of the times to find acceptance and companionship for a moment. 

For regulars, the UpStairs Lounge was a miracle, a small pocket of acceptance in a broader world where their very identities were illegal. 

On the Sunday night of June 24, 1973, their voices were silenced in a murderous act of arson that claimed 32 lives and still stands as the deadliest fire in New Orleans history — and the worst mass killing of gays in 20th century America. 

As 13 fire companies struggled to douse the inferno, police refused to question the chief suspect, even though gay witnesses identified and brought the soot-covered man to officers idly standing by. This suspect, an internally conflicted gay-for-pay sex worker named Rodger Dale Nunez, had been ejected from the UpStairs Lounge screaming the word “burn” minutes before, but New Orleans police rebuffed the testimony of fire survivors on the street and allowed Nunez to disappear.

As the fire raged, police denigrated the deceased to reporters on the street: “Some thieves hung out there, and you know this was a queer bar.” 

For days afterward, the carnage met with official silence. With no local gay political leaders willing to step forward, national Gay Liberation-era figures like Rev. Troy Perry of the Metropolitan Community Church flew in to “help our bereaved brothers and sisters” — and shatter officialdom’s code of silence. 

Perry broke local taboos by holding a press conference as an openly gay man. “It’s high time that you people, in New Orleans, Louisiana, got the message and joined the rest of the Union,” Perry said. 

Two days later, on June 26, 1973, as families hesitated to step forward to identify their kin in the morgue, UpStairs Lounge owner Phil Esteve stood in his badly charred bar, the air still foul with death. He rebuffed attempts by Perry to turn the fire into a call for visibility and progress for homosexuals. 

“This fire had very little to do with the gay movement or with anything gay,” Esteve told a reporter from The Philadelphia Inquirer. “I do not want my bar or this tragedy to be used to further any of their causes.” 

Conspicuously, no photos of Esteve appeared in coverage of the UpStairs Lounge fire or its aftermath — and the bar owner also remained silent as he witnessed police looting the ashes of his business. 

“Phil said the cash register, juke box, cigarette machine and some wallets had money removed,” recounted Esteve’s friend Bob McAnear, a former U.S. Customs officer. “Phil wouldn’t report it because, if he did, police would never allow him to operate a bar in New Orleans again.” 

The next day, gay bar owners, incensed at declining gay bar traffic amid an atmosphere of anxiety, confronted Perry at a clandestine meeting. “How dare you hold your damn news conferences!” one business owner shouted. 

Ignoring calls for gay self-censorship, Perry held a 250-person memorial for the fire victims the following Sunday, July 1, culminating in mourners defiantly marching out the front door of a French Quarter church into waiting news cameras. “Reverend Troy Perry awoke several sleeping giants, me being one of them,” recalled Charlene Schneider, a lesbian activist who walked out of that front door with Perry.

(Photo by G.E. Arnold/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

Esteve doubted the UpStairs Lounge story’s capacity to rouse gay political fervor. As the coroner buried four of his former patrons anonymously on the edge of town, Esteve quietly collected at least $25,000 in fire insurance proceeds. Less than a year later, he used the money to open another gay bar called the Post Office, where patrons of the UpStairs Lounge — some with visible burn scars — gathered but were discouraged from singing “United We Stand.” 

New Orleans cops neglected to question the chief arson suspect and closed the investigation without answers in late August 1973. Gay elites in the city’s power structure began gaslighting the mourners who marched with Perry into the news cameras, casting suspicion on their memories and re-characterizing their moment of liberation as a stunt. 

When a local gay journalist asked in April 1977, “Where are the gay activists in New Orleans?,” Esteve responded that there were none, because none were needed. “We don’t feel we’re discriminated against,” Esteve said. “New Orleans gays are different from gays anywhere else… Perhaps there is some correlation between the amount of gay activism in other cities and the degree of police harassment.” 

(Photo by H.J. Patterson/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

An attitude of nihilism and disavowal descended upon the memory of the UpStairs Lounge victims, goaded by Esteve and fellow gay entrepreneurs who earned their keep via gay patrons drowning their sorrows each night instead of protesting the injustices that kept them drinking. 

Into the 1980s, the story of the UpStairs Lounge all but vanished from conversation — with the exception of a few sanctuaries for gay political debate such as the local lesbian bar Charlene’s, run by the activist Charlene Schneider. 

By 1988, the 15th anniversary of the fire, the UpStairs Lounge narrative comprised little more than a call for better fire codes and indoor sprinklers. UpStairs Lounge survivor Stewart Butler summed it up: “A tragedy that, as far as I know, no good came of.” 

Finally, in 1991, at Stewart Butler and Charlene Schneider’s nudging, the UpStairs Lounge story became aligned with the crusade of liberated gays and lesbians seeking equal rights in Louisiana. The halls of power responded with intermittent progress. The New Orleans City Council, horrified by the story but not yet ready to take its look in the mirror, enacted an anti-discrimination ordinance protecting gays and lesbians in housing, employment, and public accommodations that Dec. 12 — more than 18 years after the fire. 

“I believe the fire was the catalyst for the anger to bring us all to the table,” Schneider told The Times-Picayune, a tacit rebuke to Esteve’s strategy of silent accommodation. Even Esteve seemed to change his stance with time, granting a full interview with the first UpStairs Lounge scholar Johnny Townsend sometime around 1989. 

Most of the figures in this historic tale are now deceased. What’s left is an enduring story that refused to go gently. The story now echoes around the world — a musical about the UpStairs Lounge fire recently played in Tokyo, translating the gay underworld of the 1973 French Quarter for Japanese audiences.

When I finished my presentation to the City Council last June, I looked up to see the seven council members in tears. Unanimously, they approved a resolution acknowledging the historic failures of city leaders in the wake of the UpStairs Lounge fire. 

Council members personally apologized to UpStairs Lounge families and survivors seated in the chamber in a symbolic act that, though it could not bring back those who died, still mattered greatly to those whose pain had been denied, leaving them to grieve alone. At long last, official silence and indifference gave way to heartfelt words of healing. 

The way Americans remember the past is an active, ongoing process. Our collective memory is malleable, but it matters because it speaks volumes about our maturity as a people, how we acknowledge the past’s influence in our lives, and how it shapes the examples we set for our youth. Do we grapple with difficult truths, or do we duck accountability by defaulting to nostalgia and bluster? Or worse, do we simply ignore the past until it fades into a black hole of ignorance and indifference? 

I believe that a factual retelling of the UpStairs Lounge tragedy — and how, 50 years onward, it became known internationally — resonates beyond our current divides. It reminds queer and non-queer Americans that ignoring the past holds back the present, and that silence is no cure for what ails a participatory nation. 

Silence isolates. Silence gaslights and shrouds. It preserves the power structures that scapegoat the disempowered. 

Solidarity, on the other hand, unites. Solidarity illuminates a path forward together. Above all, solidarity transforms the downtrodden into a resounding chorus of citizens — in the spirit of voices who once gathered ‘round a white baby grand piano and sang, joyfully and loudly, “United We Stand.” 

(Photo by Philip Ames/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

Robert W. Fieseler is a New Orleans-based journalist and the author of “Tinderbox: the Untold Story of the Up Stairs Lounge Fire and the Rise of Gay Liberation.”

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New Supreme Court term includes critical LGBTQ case with ‘terrifying’ consequences

Business owner seeks to decline services for same-sex weddings

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The U.S. Supreme Court is to set consider the case of 303 Creative, which seeks to refuse design services for same-sex weddings. (Blade file photo by Michael Key)

The U.S. Supreme Court, after a decision overturning Roe v. Wade that still leaves many reeling, is starting a new term with justices slated to revisit the issue of LGBTQ rights.

In 303 Creative v. Elenis, the court will return to the issue of whether or not providers of custom-made goods can refuse service to LGBTQ customers on First Amendment grounds. In this case, the business owner is Lorie Smith, a website designer in Colorado who wants to opt out of providing her graphic design services for same-sex weddings despite the civil rights law in her state.

Jennifer Pizer, acting chief legal officer of Lambda Legal, said in an interview with the Blade, “it’s not too much to say an immeasurably huge amount is at stake” for LGBTQ people depending on the outcome of the case.

“This contrived idea that making custom goods, or offering a custom service, somehow tacitly conveys an endorsement of the person — if that were to be accepted, that would be a profound change in the law,” Pizer said. “And the stakes are very high because there are no practical, obvious, principled ways to limit that kind of an exception, and if the law isn’t clear in this regard, then the people who are at risk of experiencing discrimination have no security, no effective protection by having a non-discrimination laws, because at any moment, as one makes their way through the commercial marketplace, you don’t know whether a particular business person is going to refuse to serve you.”

The upcoming arguments and decision in the 303 Creative case mark a return to LGBTQ rights for the Supreme Court, which had no lawsuit to directly address the issue in its previous term, although many argued the Dobbs decision put LGBTQ rights in peril and threatened access to abortion for LGBTQ people.

And yet, the 303 Creative case is similar to other cases the Supreme Court has previously heard on the providers of services seeking the right to deny services based on First Amendment grounds, such as Masterpiece Cakeshop and Fulton v. City of Philadelphia. In both of those cases, however, the court issued narrow rulings on the facts of litigation, declining to issue sweeping rulings either upholding non-discrimination principles or First Amendment exemptions.

Pizer, who signed one of the friend-of-the-court briefs in opposition to 303 Creative, said the case is “similar in the goals” of the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation on the basis they both seek exemptions to the same non-discrimination law that governs their business, the Colorado Anti-Discrimination Act, or CADA, and seek “to further the social and political argument that they should be free to refuse same-sex couples or LGBTQ people in particular.”

“So there’s the legal goal, and it connects to the social and political goals and in that sense, it’s the same as Masterpiece,” Pizer said. “And so there are multiple problems with it again, as a legal matter, but also as a social matter, because as with the religion argument, it flows from the idea that having something to do with us is endorsing us.”

One difference: the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation stemmed from an act of refusal of service after owner, Jack Phillips, declined to make a custom-made wedding cake for a same-sex couple for their upcoming wedding. No act of discrimination in the past, however, is present in the 303 Creative case. The owner seeks to put on her website a disclaimer she won’t provide services for same-sex weddings, signaling an intent to discriminate against same-sex couples rather than having done so.

As such, expect issues of standing — whether or not either party is personally aggrieved and able bring to a lawsuit — to be hashed out in arguments as well as whether the litigation is ripe for review as justices consider the case. It’s not hard to see U.S. Chief Justice John Roberts, who has sought to lead the court to reach less sweeping decisions (sometimes successfully, and sometimes in the Dobbs case not successfully) to push for a decision along these lines.

Another key difference: The 303 Creative case hinges on the argument of freedom of speech as opposed to the two-fold argument of freedom of speech and freedom of religious exercise in the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation. Although 303 Creative requested in its petition to the Supreme Court review of both issues of speech and religion, justices elected only to take up the issue of free speech in granting a writ of certiorari (or agreement to take up a case). Justices also declined to accept another question in the petition request of review of the 1990 precedent in Smith v. Employment Division, which concluded states can enforce neutral generally applicable laws on citizens with religious objections without violating the First Amendment.

Representing 303 Creative in the lawsuit is Alliance Defending Freedom, a law firm that has sought to undermine civil rights laws for LGBTQ people with litigation seeking exemptions based on the First Amendment, such as the Masterpiece Cakeshop case.

Kristen Waggoner, president of Alliance Defending Freedom, wrote in a Sept. 12 legal brief signed by her and other attorneys that a decision in favor of 303 Creative boils down to a clear-cut violation of the First Amendment.

“Colorado and the United States still contend that CADA only regulates sales transactions,” the brief says. “But their cases do not apply because they involve non-expressive activities: selling BBQ, firing employees, restricting school attendance, limiting club memberships, and providing room access. Colorado’s own cases agree that the government may not use public-accommodation laws to affect a commercial actor’s speech.”

Pizer, however, pushed back strongly on the idea a decision in favor of 303 Creative would be as focused as Alliance Defending Freedom purports it would be, arguing it could open the door to widespread discrimination against LGBTQ people.

“One way to put it is art tends to be in the eye of the beholder,” Pizer said. “Is something of a craft, or is it art? I feel like I’m channeling Lily Tomlin. Remember ‘soup and art’? We have had an understanding that whether something is beautiful or not is not the determining factor about whether something is protected as artistic expression. There’s a legal test that recognizes if this is speech, whose speech is it, whose message is it? Would anyone who was hearing the speech or seeing the message understand it to be the message of the customer or of the merchants or craftsmen or business person?”

Despite the implications in the case for LGBTQ rights, 303 Creative may have supporters among LGBTQ people who consider themselves proponents of free speech.

One joint friend-of-the-court brief before the Supreme Court, written by Dale Carpenter, a law professor at Southern Methodist University who’s written in favor of LGBTQ rights, and Eugene Volokh, a First Amendment legal scholar at the University of California, Los Angeles, argues the case is an opportunity to affirm the First Amendment applies to goods and services that are uniquely expressive.

“Distinguishing expressive from non-expressive products in some contexts might be hard, but the Tenth Circuit agreed that Smith’s product does not present a hard case,” the brief says. “Yet that court (and Colorado) declined to recognize any exemption for products constituting speech. The Tenth Circuit has effectively recognized a state interest in subjecting the creation of speech itself to antidiscrimination laws.”

Oral arguments in the case aren’t yet set, but may be announced soon. Set to defend the state of Colorado and enforcement of its non-discrimination law in the case is Colorado Solicitor General Eric Reuel Olson. Just this week, the U.S. Supreme Court announced it would grant the request to the U.S. solicitor general to present arguments before the justices on behalf of the Biden administration.

With a 6-3 conservative majority on the court that has recently scrapped the super-precedent guaranteeing the right to abortion, supporters of LGBTQ rights may think the outcome of the case is all but lost, especially amid widespread fears same-sex marriage would be next on the chopping block. After the U.S. Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against 303 Creative in the lawsuit, the simple action by the Supreme Court to grant review in the lawsuit suggests they are primed to issue a reversal and rule in favor of the company.

Pizer, acknowledging the call to action issued by LGBTQ groups in the aftermath of the Dobbs decision, conceded the current Supreme Court issuing the ruling in this case is “a terrifying prospect,” but cautioned the issue isn’t so much the makeup of the court but whether or not justices will continue down the path of abolishing case law.

“I think the question that we’re facing with respect to all of the cases or at least many of the cases that are in front of the court right now, is whether this court is going to continue on this radical sort of wrecking ball to the edifice of settled law and seemingly a goal of setting up whole new structures of what our basic legal principles are going to be. Are we going to have another term of that?” Pizer said. “And if so, that’s terrifying.”

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Kelley Robinson, a Black, queer woman, named president of Human Rights Campaign

Progressive activist a veteran of Planned Parenthood Action Fund

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Kelley Robinson (Screen capture via HRC YouTube)

Kelley Robinson, a Black, queer woman and veteran of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, is to become the next president of the Human Rights Campaign, the nation’s leading LGBTQ group announced on Tuesday.

Robinson is set to become the ninth president of the Human Rights Campaign after having served as executive director of Planned Parenthood Action Fund and more than 12 years of experience as a leader in the progressive movement. She’ll be the first Black, queer woman to serve in that role.

“I’m honored and ready to lead HRC — and our more than three million member-advocates — as we continue working to achieve equality and liberation for all Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer people,” Robinson said. “This is a pivotal moment in our movement for equality for LGBTQ+ people. We, particularly our trans and BIPOC communities, are quite literally in the fight for our lives and facing unprecedented threats that seek to destroy us.”

Kelley Robinson IS NAMED as The next human rights Campaign president

The next Human Rights Campaign president is named as Democrats are performing well in polls in the mid-term elections after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, leaving an opening for the LGBTQ group to play a key role amid fears LGBTQ rights are next on the chopping block.

“The overturning of Roe v. Wade reminds us we are just one Supreme Court decision away from losing fundamental freedoms including the freedom to marry, voting rights, and privacy,” Robinson said. “We are facing a generational opportunity to rise to these challenges and create real, sustainable change. I believe that working together this change is possible right now. This next chapter of the Human Rights Campaign is about getting to freedom and liberation without any exceptions — and today I am making a promise and commitment to carry this work forward.”

The Human Rights Campaign announces its next president after a nearly year-long search process after the board of directors terminated its former president Alphonso David when he was ensnared in the sexual misconduct scandal that led former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo to resign. David has denied wrongdoing and filed a lawsuit against the LGBTQ group alleging racial discrimination.

Kelley Robinson, Planned Parenthood, Cathy Chu, SMYAL, Supporting and Mentoring Youth Advocates and Leaders, Amy Nelson, Whitman-Walker Health, Sheroes of the Movement, Mayor's office of GLBT Affairs, gay news, Washington Blade
Kelley Robinson, seen here with Cathy Chu of SMYAL and Amy Nelson of Whitman-Walker Health, is the next Human Rights Campaign president. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)
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