Opinions
In the beginning there was only Frank Kameny
Join us on Nov. 11 to honor all LGBT veterans

A memorial headstone honoring Frank Kameny is slated to be unveiled on Veterans Day. (Photo courtesy of the Library of Congress)
One-time 9th Army PFC Frank Kameny forever resented having to lie about his homosexuality in order to fight for his country during WWII, if not as much as being later fired from his civilian job as an astronomer for the Army Map Service for being gay, and the Supreme Court’s refusal to grant review of his brief challenging his dismissal in which he cited his service. As many know, that led to his politicization and rebirth in 1961 as the expectant father of the modern militant gay rights movement.
Less remembered today than his ensuing many victories including convincing the American Psychiatric Association to declassify homosexuality as a mental illness, ending the federal government’s ban on gay civilian employees, and overturning D.C.’s sodomy law is Frank’s pioneering war against the ban on gays in the military. In May 1961, even before co-founding the Mattachine Society of Washington (MSW) that August (whose goals included ending the ban), he addressed such discrimination in a letter to President John F. Kennedy. “You yourself [recently said], ‘that [people] desire to develop their own personalities and their own potentials, that democracy permits them to do so.’ I do not feel that it is expecting too much to ask that governmental practice be in accord with administration verbiage.”
But meetings at the Pentagon in 1962 and with Selective Service in 1963 saw no change. So, in April 1965, MSW’s first picket of the White House included signs protesting the ban —“HOMOSEXUALS DIED FOR THEIR COUNTRY TOO” — and later that summer Frank led a picket at the Pentagon itself. That year the Navy alone kicked out at least 1,365 gays — some 100 more than all the branches kicked out in the worst year under “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.” He led another Pentagon protest in 1966 as part of the first nationally coordinated gay rights protests before boarding a plane to lead a protest in New York City. By that time, he was the leading source of help for gay service members trying to avoid being kicked out or at least be granted an Honorable Discharge characterization. Back then, gay military cases were one area the ACLU still wouldn’t touch, having declared that homosexuality was a genuine cause of concern for the military.
Frank represented multiple individuals as a paralegal or expert witness, advised hundreds more by telephone, and publicly exposed witch hunts such as those for lesbians in 1968 at Fort Meyer, Va. (today Joint Base Myer-Henderson Hall), and former Fort Ritchie, Md., saving some from the “vicious, degrading, humiliating interrogations by perverted men getting their ‘kicks’ out of prying into the sex lives of Army women.” But his biggest coup wouldn’t come for a decade after announcing in 1964 that he was looking for a “perfect test case” to challenge the ban. On April 8, 1974, he got a telephone call from TSgt. Leonard Matlovich, a veteran of three tours of Vietnam and recipient of the Bronze Star and Purple Heart, who’d read a recent interview with Frank in the Air Force Times. After months of further calls and in-person strategy meetings with Frank and attorney David Addlestone (working for the now-enlightened ACLU) Leonard purposely outed himself in March 1975, resulting in shocking the public through unprecedented international media attention, most famously on the cover of Time magazine.
Outside his discharge hearing, Leonard told reporters, “Maybe not in my lifetime, but we are going to win in the end.” While the ban remained intact, his courage helped many gays in and out of the military accept themselves, and resulted in a new policy mandating Honorable Discharge characterizations in most instances—20 years after Frank first wrote President Kennedy. Leonard died in 1988, and was buried in Congressional Cemetery after services featuring an Air Force Honor Guard. Frank, who had led the unprecedented red, white, blue, and rainbow-flagged cortege through Washington’s streets and the horse-drawn caisson bearing his body to the cemetery, told reporters: “The Air Force finally did it right and on Leonard’s terms today. It’s a pity that they didn’t do it 13 years ago.”
Frank got his last wish, expressed at a 2009 “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” protest — that he live long enough to see the fight he’d started nearly half a century before won. He died in October 2011, a month after repeal implementation. Here’s how far we’ve come: Closeted PFC Frank Kameny received his basic training at Fort Benning, Ga., in the fall of 1943. At 11 a.m. on Sunday, Nov. 8, out gay Brigadier General Tammy Smith will become the commanding general of Fort Benning’s 98th Training Division.
At 11 a.m. on Veterans Day, Wednesday, Nov. 11, please join us in Congressional Cemetery to honor all LGBT veterans, particularly those on whose shoulders we stand: Frank Kameny and Leonard Matlovich.

Frank Kameny (Washington Blade file photo by Michael Key)
Michael Bedwell is a longtime D.C.-based LGBT rights activist.
Opinions
There is no Pride in detention
LGBTQ refugees, asylum seekers in detention struggle to survive
“There Is No Pride in Detention” is the name of a campaign led by Rainbow Migration, the British organization to which I contribute as part of an advisory panel.
The campaign, launched during Pride Month, highlights the fact that an unknown number of LGBTQ people are held in immigration detention in the UK. They are detained without courts or judges, in prison-like conditions, often for an unlimited amount of time.
Although detention is officially meant to be used only when someone is about to be removed from the UK, in practice most detainees are eventually released. Their detention serves no meaningful purpose other than isolation and trauma.
The campaign made me think about LGBTQ refugees in other Western countries, especially the U.S. Immigration enforcement there, particularly under Trump-era and broader MAGA-aligned politics, has become increasingly brutal toward LGBTQ refugees. The UK has its own problems, but still a very different and less problematic system in tone and practice from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
British policing, for all its flaws, is generally far more restrained than many other systems I have encountered. UK police tend to be procedural, British policemen are generally polite, and reluctant to use force compared to what is common elsewhere. Most British policemen don’t even carry weapons if they are not dealing with a specific danger case. ICE, by contrast, has a well-documented record of brutality, aggressive attacks in detention settings and immigration facilities.
ICE does not meaningfully distinguish between queer refugees, asylum seekers, or people labelled in official rhetoric as “illegal aliens,” “drug dealers,” or “gang members.” In practice, they are all treated as deportable and faced the same level of brutality. Human rights organisations have documented widespread abuse, medical neglect, and high levels of physical and sexual violence in detention facilities, as well as verbal and physical abuse that was homophobic, transphobic, xenophobic, or racist in nature. Transgender detainees are especially vulnerable due to systemic transphobia and lack of protection.
There is a real risk that people like me — trans refugees — could end up in these systems. I am a refugee in the UK, having arrived in 2018, but the U.S. was originally the country I most wanted to reach. I have idealized the U.S. since I was a child. I was obsessed with American mass culture as a kid, followed American politics closely as a teen, and as a young adult had more American friends than local ones, and tried to understand post-Soviet politics through American diplomatic literature, including Henry Kissinger.
In 2018, I was invited to speak at a disability rights conference in the U.S. about queer autistic people in the post-USSR. At the time, I was under pressure from Russian authorities, and my hometown of Donetsk in Ukraine was already under occupation. So, of course, I intended to apply for asylum in the U.S.
Ironically, I am now grateful my visa was denied and I never made it to that conference. I was devastated at the time, but in hindsight it may have saved me from something far worse. There is an old joke: if you are late for a trip, don’t worry, you might just be late for the Titanic.
I don’t doubt I would have been able to adapt socially in the U.S. more than I adapt to Ukraine and Russia. But it doesn’t matter, because it doesn’t protect people from ICE. No one deserves the brutality reported in detention facilities, no matter how governments choose to frame them.
One example is Andry José Hernández Romero, a 31-year-old gay makeup artist who fled persecution in Venezuela. He was detained by ICE in March 2025 and deported to a maximum-security prison in El Salvador under allegations of gang affiliation. These claims were based largely on his nationality and the fact that he had tattoos, despite experts — from a criminology professor to a Venezuelan journalist who wrote a book about the gang — noting there is no reliable evidence that the Tren de Aragua gang uses identifiable tattoos. Hernández’s case seemed like something from a dark campy movie, because his “gang” tattoos were just ordinary tattoos on his hands that read “mom” and “dad.”
There’re too many other documented cases of abuse in U.S. immigration detention centers, including forced labor.
At the South Louisiana ICE Processing Center in Basile, La., detainees reported being recruited into work programs where they were paid as little as 1$ per day. Others describe harassment, sexual violence, physical abuse, and separation of same-sex families. In some cases, people attending legal asylum appointments were detained and placed into deportation proceedings.
While the UK remains comparatively more protective in some respects, recent political shifts that became obvious after the local elections in May, are deeply worrying. The rise of far-right politics, combined with increasingly restrictive immigration policies, suggests a broader global trend.
The UK Home Office has also introduced visa restrictions affecting certain countries, including Afghanistan. This has had a severe impact on Afghan women, including lesbians and bisexual women, for whom study or work visas were often the only realistic escape from Taliban rule.
This creates a situation where some of the most vulnerable people are blocked from safety pathways before they can even reach asylum systems.
Meanwhile, in both the UK and the U.S., Pride Month is increasingly marked by symbolic gestures: councils scaling back support for events, corporations quietly stepping away from visible engagement. But for LGBTQ refugees and asylum seekers, the reality is far darker.
For those in detention — or at risk of detention — Pride is not a celebration even if all corporate support and all pride parades were in place. For them, this month would be just another month to survive anyway, with or without rainbow flags on a street. And maybe we need to concentrate on their problems more than we’re concentrating on the lack of rainbow corporation logos.
Because there is no Pride in detention.
Opinions
Why I’m supporting Gary Goodweather for D.C. mayor
In a word, longtime local resident has the character for the job
Hey fellow LGBTQ+ Democrats, this is worth reading! Especially if you’re a voter in Washington, D.C. who’s planning to cast a ballot for the nomination of local candidates in the District of Columbia in 2026.
Because next Tuesday June 16 is a really Big Deal for D.C. Democrats. It’s the first time in two decades that the doors to filling the crucially important job of mayor are wide open because no incumbent is on the ballot.
That is, Mayor Muriel Bowser is not running for election. Instead she will — at last, and after three terms in office — symbolically ride off into the political sunset. And to considerable and well deserved applause. Because she’s been rightly lauded for many important accomplishments, including her well documented record of supporting the many diverse issues concerning the LGBTQ+ community.
But she’s been equally derided for her far too spineless a record recently, of (not) effectively opposing President Donald Trump and his outrageous stationing of outsider National Guard armed troops all across D.C. This despicably sad state of affairs has been a grim statement that Washington, D.C. (not being a state) is subject to the Donald’s feral instincts for nastily mean-spirited retributions. But she’s been meek and mild, and even actively complicit with Trump, when other mayors have told Trump to buzz off. And they succeeded.
But enough about Mayor Bowser. Her “sell by date” fast approaches. The old order changes. And a new day dawns.
Next Tuesday, two candidates of this old (and by now seriously outmoded) order seek to win the coveted Democratic nomination for mayor on June 16. First, there’s Janeese Lewis George, who’s a great first or second choice by any measure. And (ahem) then there’s Kenyan McDuffie.
But this is Ranked Choice Voting and it’s brand new. It’s not “either/or” binary, just like we now appreciate that sexual orientation and identity are also non-binary.
My first choice is clear because I know him. His name is Gary Goodweather. But so, who is this outsider candidate for mayor anyway?
It goes like this. First, together with his remarkable wife, successful D.C. Realtor Meredith Margolis, Gary and their two college age kids are all 20-year residents of Dupont Circle. I actually first met Gary and Meredith a year ago at a BBQ event, when he was a speaker at the historic, progressive, feminist Woman’s National Democratic Club.
So once again, who’s this Gary Goodweather? And why should you seriously consider him for your personal first or second or even third choice?
Here’s why. He’s new to politics in the conventional old paradigm of “politics.” But he knows Washington, D.C. forwards and backwards and inside and out. Because he’s been involved for many years in successful local private sector business investments, including the development of neighborhood-based BIDs, or Business Improvement Districts including the one in NoMa.
And his thinking is typically “out-of-the box.” For example, he’s currently an actual active advocate for establishing agriculture in our densely populated urban environment — through so-called “tiered gardens.” Yes, D.C., trust me, this is an actual thing. And yes, it requires street smarts to deal with challenging zoning issues; but it’s a real example of what fresh blood and new thinking and real imagination can bring to our hogtied and often over-regulated city.
Gary was in the U.S. Army and the National Guard for four years as a captain in the armored command. He earned his MBA in finance from Johns Hopkins University in night school.
If elected, Gary would be D.C.’s first Jewish mayor. (His is Reform Judaism. Repair the breach!)
He’s become my friend and I admire his intelligence and diligence and imagination and in a word his character.
Here’s what he said to me about what he calls his political North Star: “All D.C. residents should be protected, regardless of who they love. Love is love. Love who you want. Identify how you choose to be.”
Look, it’s always time for good weather in our city. Maybe it’s time for Gary Goodweather as mayor too. First choice or second choice. Then let’s all see what happens next.
David Hoffman is a freelance writer and retired federal government civil servant. He is a longtime resident of the H Street Northeast corridor. He is a member of both the Woman’s National Democratic Club and DSA, Democratic Socialists of America Metro DC chapter.
Opinions
Don’t just vote for change — vote for Hope Solomon for mayor
LGBTQ community isn’t separate from Washington’s story — it is our story
My name is Hope Solomon, and I’m running for mayor of Washington, D.C.
I’ve spent my entire life here. I attended D.C. Public Schools. I grew up working in my family’s small business here in D.C. I live in Dupont Circle. For 17 years, I worked in national security with the Department of Defense, FBI, and Department of Homeland Security. Then last July, I got DOGE’d by Elon Musk.
I don’t recommend it as a career strategy.
But it did give me something I hadn’t had in a long time: perspective.
For the first time in years, I had space to slow down and ask a simple question: Why does it feel like Washington is being run by the same small group of people playing musical chairs, while everyone else is just expected to live with the results?
That’s when I decided to run.
I wasn’t raised in Washington’s political circles. I was raised in Washington. There’s a difference.
Some of my earliest memories are going to see the AIDS Quilt on the National Mall with my mother. I didn’t fully understand it at the time, but I understood enough to know it mattered—because it made something the country had been trying not to see completely impossible to ignore.
My family’s version of a home-cooked meal has always been Annie’s or Mr. Henry’s. I grew up going to Pride, the High Heel Race, drag brunches, and drag shows. As a kid, I thought that was just what cities were like—sequins, show tunes, queens, neighbors, everything mixed together.
Turns out that wasn’t every city.
It was Washington.
The arts shaped me just as much as anything else. I started at Fillmore Arts Center, trained for years with the Washington School of Ballet, and performed across the city—from the Kennedy Center to Warner Theatre to Lisner Auditorium.
The arts taught me discipline and confidence. But more than that, they taught me something Washington has always understood: A city works when people are free to be exactly who they are.
Growing up here, LGBTQ+ Washingtonians were my neighbors, my teachers, fellow business owners, artists, friends, and family.
They helped build the Washington I know.
And that’s why this moment matters.
Washington is facing a budget crisis. Small businesses are struggling. The federal government is openly hostile toward our city. But what worries me most isn’t just policy—it’s whether we lose what makes Washington itself while trying to fix it.
Because the soul of this city is in places like Annie’s. It’s in neighborhood restaurants, small theaters, Pride celebrations, independent businesses, and the people who make this city feel like home.
As mayor, I’ll fight to protect that. I’ll stand up for LGBTQ+ rights, support LGBTQ+ youth, invest in the arts, strengthen public safety, and back the small businesses that keep our neighborhoods alive.
Most importantly, I’ll lead with the understanding that the LGBTQ+ community isn’t separate from Washington’s story.
It is Washington’s story.
If you want another career politician, you’ve got plenty of options.
If you want someone who was shaped by this city, believes in this city, and is ready to fight for this city, I’m asking for your vote.
Learn more at HopeForDC.com. On Election Day, don’t just vote for change. Vote for Hope.
Hope Solomon is a candidate for D.C. mayor.
