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Will GOP moderate its anti-LGBTQ platform in 2020?

Trump has opportunity to call for lifting opposition to same-sex marriage

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Republican Party, Grand Old Party, GOP, gay news, Washington Blade
Republican Party, Grand Old Party, GOP, gay news, Washington Blade
President Trump has the opportunity to call for removing opposition to same-sex marriage in the Republican Party platform.

With the start of a new decade and another presidential election at hand, the time has come for the quadrennial event of crafting the platforms for the major U.S. political parties, but 2020 presents a unique situation for Republicans because President Trump’s position on marriage equality is at odds with previous platforms.

Starting last year, the White House has repeatedly stated Trump, despite his administration’s anti-LGBTQ record, supports marriage equality. That stands in contrast to every recent iteration of the Republican Party platform, including the 2016 version, which calls for a constitutional amendment that would ban same-sex marriage nationwide.

If the 2020 platform were to maintain the party’s call for a constitutional ban on same-sex marriage, the document would defy the position of the Republican standard-bearer in the election, who is also the incumbent U.S. president. That would be a striking contrast.

The upcoming drafting process for the 2020 document would be an opportunity for Trump finally to put his money where his mouth is on same-sex marriage and call on the Republican platform committee to drop its opposition.

The Log Cabin Republicans, which in 2016 bucked the party to dub the Republican platform the most anti-LGBTQ in history, are sensing the possibility for change in 2020.

“In 2016, the RNC platform slid backwards on LGBTQ issues and it is not in line with the president’s beliefs or agenda for our community,” said Charles Moran, managing director of Log Cabin Republicans. “The 2020 convention is a time to bring the platform up to speed.”

A potential divergence between Trump and the platform wasn’t an issue in 2016, when both he and the party opposed same-sex marriage.

Prior to his presidential run, Trump on CNN in 2015 just after the Supreme Court ruling in Obergefell v. Hodges said he’s “just for traditional marriage,” a position maintained through his 2016 campaign. In a Fox News interview just before the 2016 Iowa caucuses, he said he’d “strongly consider” appointing justices as president to reverse the decision.

Log Cabin, which issued an early endorsement for Trump for re-election in 2020, may now be in a better position to effect change than in 2016, when the organization kept to its tradition of waiting to make an endorsement decision until after the Republican convention. Log Cabin ended up declining to endorse Trump.

Key to changing the platform in 2020, Moran said, will be the selection of delegates to the Republican National Convention, which this year will take place in Charlotte, N.C.

“Log Cabin will have a presence at the convention and has already started conversations within the party about what the platform needs to look like,” Moran said. “But we’re still early in the process — we need to see what the delegations look like from each state, and that’s our focus now — getting our folks teed up to be selected as delegates. It’s different in every state so lots of moving pieces, but we’ll come up with a strategy once we know what the field of delegates looks like.”

Any effort to remove the anti-LGBTQ language in the platform would be a David-and-Goliath effort against anti-LGBTQ groups like the Family Research Council, which dominate the Republican Party and have a significant hand in influencing the quadrennial platform.

In 2016, the Republican platform was peak anti-LGBTQ, condemning both the Obergefell decision and the Supreme Court’s 2013 ruling against the anti-gay Defense of Marriage Act. One plank sought to reverse the U.S. Supreme Court decision in favor of marriage equality, either through judicial reconsideration or a constitutional amendment.

“In Obergefell, five unelected lawyers robbed 320 million Americans of their legitimate constitutional authority to define marriage as the union of one man and one woman,” the platform says. “The Court twisted the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment beyond recognition.”

The platform also objected to use of federal law to ensure transgender people can use the restroom consistent with their gender identity, indicated support for widely discredited “ex-gay” conversion therapy and endorsed the First Amendment Defense Act, a religious freedom bill that would enable anti-LGBTQ discrimination.

Jennifer Victor, an associate professor of political science at George Mason University and co-author of “Competing for the platform: How organized interests affect party positioning in the United States,” cast serious doubt on any change happening in 2020.

“The core groups in the Republican coalition, especially those involved with drafting the party platform, are socially conservative,” Victor said. “It seems likely there will be a strong movement to maintain the party’s explicit position against same-sex marriage and other LGBTQ rights issues.”

It’s probably unrealistic to think the Republican platform will endorse same-sex marriage, which the Democrats have done in their 2012 and 2016 platforms. Instead, a more achievable goal might be removing the anti-LGBTQ language, including support for a constitutional amendment against same-sex marriage.

The American Unity Fund, a pro-LGBTQ Republican group supported by GOP philanthropist and donor Paul Singer, undertook a previous effort in 2016 to keep anti-LGBTQ language, including a call to ban same-sex marriage, out of the platform.

The effort, however, didn’t succeed in the face of anti-LGBTQ members of the platform committee despite pleas from members like lesbian delegate Rachel Hoff, who called for a platform more accepting of LGBTQ people. The American Unity Fund didn’t respond to repeated requests to comment on whether a similar effort will be underway in 2020.

Something big would be needed for a change in the Republican platform in terms of LGBTQ rights. A call from Trump to remove the anti-LGBTQ language, which would be unprecedented for any Republican nominee, would be huge and might just be the ticket.

In 2019, White House counselor Kellyanne Conway said Trump was the first president to come into office “approving of gay marriage.” The White House has echoed that position in comments that have mostly appeared in articles on the Trump administration’s anti-LGBTQ record, including the implementation of a transgender military ban and religious freedom regulations allowing anti-LGBTQ discrimination.

Trump, however, isn’t known for standing up to base elements of the Republican Party on LGBTQ rights, or any other issue. Neither the White House nor the Trump campaign responded to the Blade’s request to comment on whether Trump would call for removing support for a constitutional amendment against same-sex marriage in the 2020 platform.

Moreover, skeptics have good reason to take Trump’s alleged support for same-sex marriage with a grain of salt — and not just because of his administration’s general anti-LGBTQ record.

Breaking records on judicial appointments, Trump has stocked the courts with judicial picks approved by the Federalist Society and the anti-LGBTQ Heritage Foundation, which are against interpreting the U.S. Constitution to guarantee marriage rights for same-sex marriage as the U.S. Supreme Court found in Obergefell v. Hodges.

One of Trump’s picks for the Supreme Court, U.S. Associate Justice Neil Gorsuch, wrote a stinging dissent when the issue of same-sex marriage came back to the court in 2017 in an Arkansas birth certificate case known as Pavan v. Smith. The majority ruled Obergefell granted the right for lesbian parents to place both of their names on their child’s birth certificates, but Gorsuch disagreed.

Even though Obergefell guaranteed the “constellation of benefits” of marriage to same-sex couples and was adjudicated in part on the basis of birth certificates, Gorsuch wrote “nothing in Obergefell indicates that a birth registration regime based on biology, one no doubt with many analogues across the country and throughout history, offends the Constitution.” 

Essentially, Gorsuch was encouraging lower courts to see how far they could go in disrupting the protections guaranteed under Obergefell. It’s not exactly a judicial appointment one would expect from a president who supports same-sex marriage.

The basis for the White House saying Trump supports same-sex marriage seems to be an interview he gave to Leslie Stahl on “60 Minutes” after his 2016 election in which he said he’s “fine” with the Supreme Court’s 2015 ruling for same-sex marriage and he considered the matter “settled.” Trump never said he backs the decision or marriage rights for same-sex couples.

Victor, recognizing Trump’s reluctance to push on the Republican base that fueled his rise to the presidency, expressed considerable skepticism Trump would urge the platform drafting committee to drop its opposition to same-sex marriage.

“It would be surprising for President Trump to push back on that, since he seeks to court that constituency, or to the extent he’s already courted it, he seeks to maintain their support,” Victor said. “It’s very unlikely that is the type of issue he would go to the mat on. In other words, I don’t see how he would gain a political advantage by bucking the party on this issue.”

If the 2020 platform keeps the same language it had before, it wouldn’t be the first time a platform espoused different views than the Republican presidential nominee, although that would certainly raise eyebrows.

One instance, Victor pointed out, was in 1996 when Republican presidential nominee Bob Dole, who refused to support a constitutional ban on abortion, had “a decidedly more liberal position on abortion than core groups that were crafting the party platform that year.” Media reports at the time indicated Dole’s position infuriated social conservatives in the Republican Party.

“In the end, Dole bent to the will of the party, and the platform leaned more to the right — at least on that issue — than the candidate did,” Victor said.

It remains to be seen whether Trump would distance himself from a 2020 platform that contains opposition to same-sex marriage. In 2016, Trump wholeheartedly endorsed the platform, putting no distance between himself and the anti-LGBTQ language.

Victor predicted the same thing would happen in 2020.

“It seems likely to me that Trump will either adjust his position on same-sex marriage to match the platform, or avoid and downplay the issue altogether,” she said. “The Democratic Party is the political party increasingly associated with civil rights and social justice issues, and that doesn’t seem likely to change any time soon.”

The Republican National Committee didn’t respond to the Blade’s request to comment for this article.

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Honoring the legacy of New Orleans’ 1973 UpStairs Lounge fire

Why the arson attack that killed 32 gay men still resonates 50 years later

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Fifty years ago this week, 32 gay men were killed in an arson attack on the UpStairs Lounge in New Orleans. (Photo by G.E. Arnold/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

On June 23 of last year, I held the microphone as a gay man in the New Orleans City Council Chamber and related a lost piece of queer history to the seven council members. I told this story to disabuse all New Orleanians of the notion that silence and accommodation, in the face of institutional and official failures, are a path to healing.  

The story I related to them began on a typical Sunday night at a second-story bar on the fringe of New Orleans’ French Quarter in 1973, where working-class men would gather around a white baby grand piano and belt out the lyrics to a song that was the anthem of their hidden community, “United We Stand” by the Brotherhood of Man. 

“United we stand,” the men would sing together, “divided we fall” — the words epitomizing the ethos of their beloved UpStairs Lounge bar, an egalitarian free space that served as a forerunner to today’s queer safe havens. 

Around that piano in the 1970s Deep South, gays and lesbians, white and Black queens, Christians and non-Christians, and even early gender minorities could cast aside the racism, sexism, and homophobia of the times to find acceptance and companionship for a moment. 

For regulars, the UpStairs Lounge was a miracle, a small pocket of acceptance in a broader world where their very identities were illegal. 

On the Sunday night of June 24, 1973, their voices were silenced in a murderous act of arson that claimed 32 lives and still stands as the deadliest fire in New Orleans history — and the worst mass killing of gays in 20th century America. 

As 13 fire companies struggled to douse the inferno, police refused to question the chief suspect, even though gay witnesses identified and brought the soot-covered man to officers idly standing by. This suspect, an internally conflicted gay-for-pay sex worker named Rodger Dale Nunez, had been ejected from the UpStairs Lounge screaming the word “burn” minutes before, but New Orleans police rebuffed the testimony of fire survivors on the street and allowed Nunez to disappear.

As the fire raged, police denigrated the deceased to reporters on the street: “Some thieves hung out there, and you know this was a queer bar.” 

For days afterward, the carnage met with official silence. With no local gay political leaders willing to step forward, national Gay Liberation-era figures like Rev. Troy Perry of the Metropolitan Community Church flew in to “help our bereaved brothers and sisters” — and shatter officialdom’s code of silence. 

Perry broke local taboos by holding a press conference as an openly gay man. “It’s high time that you people, in New Orleans, Louisiana, got the message and joined the rest of the Union,” Perry said. 

Two days later, on June 26, 1973, as families hesitated to step forward to identify their kin in the morgue, UpStairs Lounge owner Phil Esteve stood in his badly charred bar, the air still foul with death. He rebuffed attempts by Perry to turn the fire into a call for visibility and progress for homosexuals. 

“This fire had very little to do with the gay movement or with anything gay,” Esteve told a reporter from The Philadelphia Inquirer. “I do not want my bar or this tragedy to be used to further any of their causes.” 

Conspicuously, no photos of Esteve appeared in coverage of the UpStairs Lounge fire or its aftermath — and the bar owner also remained silent as he witnessed police looting the ashes of his business. 

“Phil said the cash register, juke box, cigarette machine and some wallets had money removed,” recounted Esteve’s friend Bob McAnear, a former U.S. Customs officer. “Phil wouldn’t report it because, if he did, police would never allow him to operate a bar in New Orleans again.” 

The next day, gay bar owners, incensed at declining gay bar traffic amid an atmosphere of anxiety, confronted Perry at a clandestine meeting. “How dare you hold your damn news conferences!” one business owner shouted. 

Ignoring calls for gay self-censorship, Perry held a 250-person memorial for the fire victims the following Sunday, July 1, culminating in mourners defiantly marching out the front door of a French Quarter church into waiting news cameras. “Reverend Troy Perry awoke several sleeping giants, me being one of them,” recalled Charlene Schneider, a lesbian activist who walked out of that front door with Perry.

(Photo by G.E. Arnold/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

Esteve doubted the UpStairs Lounge story’s capacity to rouse gay political fervor. As the coroner buried four of his former patrons anonymously on the edge of town, Esteve quietly collected at least $25,000 in fire insurance proceeds. Less than a year later, he used the money to open another gay bar called the Post Office, where patrons of the UpStairs Lounge — some with visible burn scars — gathered but were discouraged from singing “United We Stand.” 

New Orleans cops neglected to question the chief arson suspect and closed the investigation without answers in late August 1973. Gay elites in the city’s power structure began gaslighting the mourners who marched with Perry into the news cameras, casting suspicion on their memories and re-characterizing their moment of liberation as a stunt. 

When a local gay journalist asked in April 1977, “Where are the gay activists in New Orleans?,” Esteve responded that there were none, because none were needed. “We don’t feel we’re discriminated against,” Esteve said. “New Orleans gays are different from gays anywhere else… Perhaps there is some correlation between the amount of gay activism in other cities and the degree of police harassment.” 

(Photo by H.J. Patterson/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

An attitude of nihilism and disavowal descended upon the memory of the UpStairs Lounge victims, goaded by Esteve and fellow gay entrepreneurs who earned their keep via gay patrons drowning their sorrows each night instead of protesting the injustices that kept them drinking. 

Into the 1980s, the story of the UpStairs Lounge all but vanished from conversation — with the exception of a few sanctuaries for gay political debate such as the local lesbian bar Charlene’s, run by the activist Charlene Schneider. 

By 1988, the 15th anniversary of the fire, the UpStairs Lounge narrative comprised little more than a call for better fire codes and indoor sprinklers. UpStairs Lounge survivor Stewart Butler summed it up: “A tragedy that, as far as I know, no good came of.” 

Finally, in 1991, at Stewart Butler and Charlene Schneider’s nudging, the UpStairs Lounge story became aligned with the crusade of liberated gays and lesbians seeking equal rights in Louisiana. The halls of power responded with intermittent progress. The New Orleans City Council, horrified by the story but not yet ready to take its look in the mirror, enacted an anti-discrimination ordinance protecting gays and lesbians in housing, employment, and public accommodations that Dec. 12 — more than 18 years after the fire. 

“I believe the fire was the catalyst for the anger to bring us all to the table,” Schneider told The Times-Picayune, a tacit rebuke to Esteve’s strategy of silent accommodation. Even Esteve seemed to change his stance with time, granting a full interview with the first UpStairs Lounge scholar Johnny Townsend sometime around 1989. 

Most of the figures in this historic tale are now deceased. What’s left is an enduring story that refused to go gently. The story now echoes around the world — a musical about the UpStairs Lounge fire recently played in Tokyo, translating the gay underworld of the 1973 French Quarter for Japanese audiences.

When I finished my presentation to the City Council last June, I looked up to see the seven council members in tears. Unanimously, they approved a resolution acknowledging the historic failures of city leaders in the wake of the UpStairs Lounge fire. 

Council members personally apologized to UpStairs Lounge families and survivors seated in the chamber in a symbolic act that, though it could not bring back those who died, still mattered greatly to those whose pain had been denied, leaving them to grieve alone. At long last, official silence and indifference gave way to heartfelt words of healing. 

The way Americans remember the past is an active, ongoing process. Our collective memory is malleable, but it matters because it speaks volumes about our maturity as a people, how we acknowledge the past’s influence in our lives, and how it shapes the examples we set for our youth. Do we grapple with difficult truths, or do we duck accountability by defaulting to nostalgia and bluster? Or worse, do we simply ignore the past until it fades into a black hole of ignorance and indifference? 

I believe that a factual retelling of the UpStairs Lounge tragedy — and how, 50 years onward, it became known internationally — resonates beyond our current divides. It reminds queer and non-queer Americans that ignoring the past holds back the present, and that silence is no cure for what ails a participatory nation. 

Silence isolates. Silence gaslights and shrouds. It preserves the power structures that scapegoat the disempowered. 

Solidarity, on the other hand, unites. Solidarity illuminates a path forward together. Above all, solidarity transforms the downtrodden into a resounding chorus of citizens — in the spirit of voices who once gathered ‘round a white baby grand piano and sang, joyfully and loudly, “United We Stand.” 

(Photo by Philip Ames/Times-Picayune; reprinted with permission)

Robert W. Fieseler is a New Orleans-based journalist and the author of “Tinderbox: the Untold Story of the Up Stairs Lounge Fire and the Rise of Gay Liberation.”

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New Supreme Court term includes critical LGBTQ case with ‘terrifying’ consequences

Business owner seeks to decline services for same-sex weddings

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The U.S. Supreme Court is to set consider the case of 303 Creative, which seeks to refuse design services for same-sex weddings. (Blade file photo by Michael Key)

The U.S. Supreme Court, after a decision overturning Roe v. Wade that still leaves many reeling, is starting a new term with justices slated to revisit the issue of LGBTQ rights.

In 303 Creative v. Elenis, the court will return to the issue of whether or not providers of custom-made goods can refuse service to LGBTQ customers on First Amendment grounds. In this case, the business owner is Lorie Smith, a website designer in Colorado who wants to opt out of providing her graphic design services for same-sex weddings despite the civil rights law in her state.

Jennifer Pizer, acting chief legal officer of Lambda Legal, said in an interview with the Blade, “it’s not too much to say an immeasurably huge amount is at stake” for LGBTQ people depending on the outcome of the case.

“This contrived idea that making custom goods, or offering a custom service, somehow tacitly conveys an endorsement of the person — if that were to be accepted, that would be a profound change in the law,” Pizer said. “And the stakes are very high because there are no practical, obvious, principled ways to limit that kind of an exception, and if the law isn’t clear in this regard, then the people who are at risk of experiencing discrimination have no security, no effective protection by having a non-discrimination laws, because at any moment, as one makes their way through the commercial marketplace, you don’t know whether a particular business person is going to refuse to serve you.”

The upcoming arguments and decision in the 303 Creative case mark a return to LGBTQ rights for the Supreme Court, which had no lawsuit to directly address the issue in its previous term, although many argued the Dobbs decision put LGBTQ rights in peril and threatened access to abortion for LGBTQ people.

And yet, the 303 Creative case is similar to other cases the Supreme Court has previously heard on the providers of services seeking the right to deny services based on First Amendment grounds, such as Masterpiece Cakeshop and Fulton v. City of Philadelphia. In both of those cases, however, the court issued narrow rulings on the facts of litigation, declining to issue sweeping rulings either upholding non-discrimination principles or First Amendment exemptions.

Pizer, who signed one of the friend-of-the-court briefs in opposition to 303 Creative, said the case is “similar in the goals” of the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation on the basis they both seek exemptions to the same non-discrimination law that governs their business, the Colorado Anti-Discrimination Act, or CADA, and seek “to further the social and political argument that they should be free to refuse same-sex couples or LGBTQ people in particular.”

“So there’s the legal goal, and it connects to the social and political goals and in that sense, it’s the same as Masterpiece,” Pizer said. “And so there are multiple problems with it again, as a legal matter, but also as a social matter, because as with the religion argument, it flows from the idea that having something to do with us is endorsing us.”

One difference: the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation stemmed from an act of refusal of service after owner, Jack Phillips, declined to make a custom-made wedding cake for a same-sex couple for their upcoming wedding. No act of discrimination in the past, however, is present in the 303 Creative case. The owner seeks to put on her website a disclaimer she won’t provide services for same-sex weddings, signaling an intent to discriminate against same-sex couples rather than having done so.

As such, expect issues of standing — whether or not either party is personally aggrieved and able bring to a lawsuit — to be hashed out in arguments as well as whether the litigation is ripe for review as justices consider the case. It’s not hard to see U.S. Chief Justice John Roberts, who has sought to lead the court to reach less sweeping decisions (sometimes successfully, and sometimes in the Dobbs case not successfully) to push for a decision along these lines.

Another key difference: The 303 Creative case hinges on the argument of freedom of speech as opposed to the two-fold argument of freedom of speech and freedom of religious exercise in the Masterpiece Cakeshop litigation. Although 303 Creative requested in its petition to the Supreme Court review of both issues of speech and religion, justices elected only to take up the issue of free speech in granting a writ of certiorari (or agreement to take up a case). Justices also declined to accept another question in the petition request of review of the 1990 precedent in Smith v. Employment Division, which concluded states can enforce neutral generally applicable laws on citizens with religious objections without violating the First Amendment.

Representing 303 Creative in the lawsuit is Alliance Defending Freedom, a law firm that has sought to undermine civil rights laws for LGBTQ people with litigation seeking exemptions based on the First Amendment, such as the Masterpiece Cakeshop case.

Kristen Waggoner, president of Alliance Defending Freedom, wrote in a Sept. 12 legal brief signed by her and other attorneys that a decision in favor of 303 Creative boils down to a clear-cut violation of the First Amendment.

“Colorado and the United States still contend that CADA only regulates sales transactions,” the brief says. “But their cases do not apply because they involve non-expressive activities: selling BBQ, firing employees, restricting school attendance, limiting club memberships, and providing room access. Colorado’s own cases agree that the government may not use public-accommodation laws to affect a commercial actor’s speech.”

Pizer, however, pushed back strongly on the idea a decision in favor of 303 Creative would be as focused as Alliance Defending Freedom purports it would be, arguing it could open the door to widespread discrimination against LGBTQ people.

“One way to put it is art tends to be in the eye of the beholder,” Pizer said. “Is something of a craft, or is it art? I feel like I’m channeling Lily Tomlin. Remember ‘soup and art’? We have had an understanding that whether something is beautiful or not is not the determining factor about whether something is protected as artistic expression. There’s a legal test that recognizes if this is speech, whose speech is it, whose message is it? Would anyone who was hearing the speech or seeing the message understand it to be the message of the customer or of the merchants or craftsmen or business person?”

Despite the implications in the case for LGBTQ rights, 303 Creative may have supporters among LGBTQ people who consider themselves proponents of free speech.

One joint friend-of-the-court brief before the Supreme Court, written by Dale Carpenter, a law professor at Southern Methodist University who’s written in favor of LGBTQ rights, and Eugene Volokh, a First Amendment legal scholar at the University of California, Los Angeles, argues the case is an opportunity to affirm the First Amendment applies to goods and services that are uniquely expressive.

“Distinguishing expressive from non-expressive products in some contexts might be hard, but the Tenth Circuit agreed that Smith’s product does not present a hard case,” the brief says. “Yet that court (and Colorado) declined to recognize any exemption for products constituting speech. The Tenth Circuit has effectively recognized a state interest in subjecting the creation of speech itself to antidiscrimination laws.”

Oral arguments in the case aren’t yet set, but may be announced soon. Set to defend the state of Colorado and enforcement of its non-discrimination law in the case is Colorado Solicitor General Eric Reuel Olson. Just this week, the U.S. Supreme Court announced it would grant the request to the U.S. solicitor general to present arguments before the justices on behalf of the Biden administration.

With a 6-3 conservative majority on the court that has recently scrapped the super-precedent guaranteeing the right to abortion, supporters of LGBTQ rights may think the outcome of the case is all but lost, especially amid widespread fears same-sex marriage would be next on the chopping block. After the U.S. Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against 303 Creative in the lawsuit, the simple action by the Supreme Court to grant review in the lawsuit suggests they are primed to issue a reversal and rule in favor of the company.

Pizer, acknowledging the call to action issued by LGBTQ groups in the aftermath of the Dobbs decision, conceded the current Supreme Court issuing the ruling in this case is “a terrifying prospect,” but cautioned the issue isn’t so much the makeup of the court but whether or not justices will continue down the path of abolishing case law.

“I think the question that we’re facing with respect to all of the cases or at least many of the cases that are in front of the court right now, is whether this court is going to continue on this radical sort of wrecking ball to the edifice of settled law and seemingly a goal of setting up whole new structures of what our basic legal principles are going to be. Are we going to have another term of that?” Pizer said. “And if so, that’s terrifying.”

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Kelley Robinson, a Black, queer woman, named president of Human Rights Campaign

Progressive activist a veteran of Planned Parenthood Action Fund

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Kelley Robinson (Screen capture via HRC YouTube)

Kelley Robinson, a Black, queer woman and veteran of Planned Parenthood Action Fund, is to become the next president of the Human Rights Campaign, the nation’s leading LGBTQ group announced on Tuesday.

Robinson is set to become the ninth president of the Human Rights Campaign after having served as executive director of Planned Parenthood Action Fund and more than 12 years of experience as a leader in the progressive movement. She’ll be the first Black, queer woman to serve in that role.

“I’m honored and ready to lead HRC — and our more than three million member-advocates — as we continue working to achieve equality and liberation for all Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer people,” Robinson said. “This is a pivotal moment in our movement for equality for LGBTQ+ people. We, particularly our trans and BIPOC communities, are quite literally in the fight for our lives and facing unprecedented threats that seek to destroy us.”

Kelley Robinson IS NAMED as The next human rights Campaign president

The next Human Rights Campaign president is named as Democrats are performing well in polls in the mid-term elections after the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, leaving an opening for the LGBTQ group to play a key role amid fears LGBTQ rights are next on the chopping block.

“The overturning of Roe v. Wade reminds us we are just one Supreme Court decision away from losing fundamental freedoms including the freedom to marry, voting rights, and privacy,” Robinson said. “We are facing a generational opportunity to rise to these challenges and create real, sustainable change. I believe that working together this change is possible right now. This next chapter of the Human Rights Campaign is about getting to freedom and liberation without any exceptions — and today I am making a promise and commitment to carry this work forward.”

The Human Rights Campaign announces its next president after a nearly year-long search process after the board of directors terminated its former president Alphonso David when he was ensnared in the sexual misconduct scandal that led former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo to resign. David has denied wrongdoing and filed a lawsuit against the LGBTQ group alleging racial discrimination.

Kelley Robinson, Planned Parenthood, Cathy Chu, SMYAL, Supporting and Mentoring Youth Advocates and Leaders, Amy Nelson, Whitman-Walker Health, Sheroes of the Movement, Mayor's office of GLBT Affairs, gay news, Washington Blade
Kelley Robinson, seen here with Cathy Chu of SMYAL and Amy Nelson of Whitman-Walker Health, is the next Human Rights Campaign president. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)
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