World
Guatemala lawmakers table same-sex marriage ban bill
Country’s president said measure violated international treaties

Lawmakers in Guatemala on Tuesday tabled a bill that would have formally banned marriage for same-sex couples and defined a family as a man and a woman who are raising children together.
Agencia Presentes, a website that covers LGBTQ-specific news throughout Latin America, noted members of the Guatemalan Congress voted 119-19 to table the “Law for the Protection of Life and the Family” bill. Agencia Presentes, which also reported 26 lawmakers abstained from the vote, posted a video that shows LGBTQ activists celebrating outside the Guatemalan Congress.
#Guatemala š¬š¹ Momentos cuando el decreto 18-2022 fue archivado con 119 votos a favor de esta acción, 19 votos en contra y 26 votos ausentes. AsĆ celebra las mujeres y la diversidad š con una resistencia de varios dĆas en las calles. @redmmutrans @InfoOTRANS @ObservatorioLam pic.twitter.com/DW2iruXuev
ā Agencia Presentes (@PresentesLGBT) March 15, 2022
Lawmakers in the Central American country on March 8 approved the bill under which a woman who has an abortion would have faced up to 10 years in prison.
The Inter-American Court of Human Rights in 2018 issued a landmark ruling that recognizes same-sex marriage and transgender rights in the Western Hemisphere. Guatemala is among the countries in which the decision is legally binding.
President Alejandro Giammattei sent the bill back to Congress for further review because he said it would have violated international treaties.
Afghanistan
ICC issues arrest warrants for Taliban leaders over persecution of LGBTQ people, women
Groups ‘non-conforming’ with group’s gender policy targeted

The International Criminal Court on Tuesday issued arrest warrants for two top Taliban officials accused of targeting LGBTQ people, women, and others who defy the group’s strict gender norms.
The warrants are for Hibatullah Akhundzada, the Taliban’s supreme leader, and Afghanistan Chief Justice Abdul Hakim Haqqani.
“Based on evidence presented by the Office (of the Prosecutor), the judges found that there are reasonable grounds to believe that they have committed ā by ordering, inducing, or soliciting ā the crime against humanity of persecution, under article 7(1)(h) of the Rome Statute, on gender grounds, against girls, women, and other persons non-conforming with the Talibanās policy on gender, gender identity or expression; and on political grounds against persons perceived as ‘allies of girls and women,’ā reads an ICC press release that announced the warrants.
Karim Khan, the ICC’s chief prosecutor, in January announced a request for warrants against Taliban officials over their treatment of women and other groups since they regained control of Afghanistan in 2021. The request marked the first time the court specifically named LGBTQ people as victims in a gender persecution case before it.
“The issuance of the first arrest warrants in the situation in Afghanistan is an important vindication and acknowledgement of the rights of Afghan women and girls,” reads the press release the ICC released on Tuesday. “It also recognizes the rights and lived experiences of persons whom the Taliban perceived as not conforming with their ideological expectations of gender identity or expression, such as members of the LGBTQI+ community, and persons whom the Taliban perceived as allies of girls and women.”
A report that Outright International released in 2023 notes Taliban officials have systematically targeted LGBTQ people ā especially gay men and transgender women.
Taliban officials have subjected them to physical and sexual assault as well as arbitrary detention. The Outright International report also notes Taliban authorities have carried out public floggings for alleged same-sex sexual relations, and have collected intelligence on LGBTQ activists and community members.
Artemis Akbary, executive director of the Afghanistan LGBTIQ Organization, praised the ICC.
“Today is a historic moment for LGBTIQ victims and survivors,” he said on social media.
El Salvador
#JusticiaParaKarla: una lucha por el derecho a la identidad en El Salvador
Karla Guevara inició su camino legal y personal en 2020

Cinco aƱos han pasado desde que Karla Guevara inició un camino legal y personal para lograr que su nombre y gĆ©nero sean reconocidos en su Documento Ćnico de Identidad (DUI). Cinco aƱos de sentencias, apelaciones, puertas cerradas y vulneraciones que hoy se resumen en una sola palabra: resistencia.
En medio de un paĆs que aĆŗn arrastra estructuras jurĆdicas y sociales poco sensibles a las realidades trans, Guevara se ha convertido en una voz visible. No solo por la denuncia pĆŗblica de su caso, sino por su capacidad de transformar el dolor en acción: ha iniciado la campaƱa #JusticiaParaKarla, la cual acompaƱa con conversatorios llamados āSi tĆŗ fueras yoā en diferentes zonas del paĆs.
Su historia se remonta al aƱo 2018, cuando, junto a otras tres defensoras de derechos humanos āMónica HernĆ”ndez, Bianca RodrĆguez y Verónica Lópezā interpuso una demanda para lograr el cambio de nombre legal. La acción se inspiró en la Opinión Consultiva 24/17 de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, que obligó a los Estados miembros de la OEA a garantizar los derechos de las personas trans, incluyendo el reconocimiento de su identidad.
A diferencia de sus compañeras, cuyo proceso fue resuelto favorablemente, Guevara fue la única a quien el Estado salvadoreño le negó el derecho, incluso tras contar con una sentencia favorable. El camino ha sido empinado, desgastante y doloroso, y ha implicado múltiples etapas legales con resoluciones contradictorias.
El 8 de enero de 2020, el juzgado declaró su demanda improponible. Guevara apeló el 22 de ese mismo mes, pero la CĆ”mara de Familia desestimó su recurso. Aun asĆ, perseveró. En abril de 2021 presentó una segunda apelación, y en septiembre se revocó la decisión del juzgado, ordenando admitir su demanda. Una pequeƱa luz parecĆa abrirse.
En agosto de 2022, después de varios peritajes que, según Guevara, incluyeron momentos donde se sintió expuesta y violentada, recibió una sentencia favorable: se autorizaba su cambio de nombre y género en la partida de nacimiento. Sin embargo, esta victoria fue parcial y breve. Aunque se ordenó marginar su partida, no se ordenó cancelarla como en otros casos similares.
El 4 de octubre de ese mismo aƱo, la sentencia fue enviada al Registro del Estado Familiar. Pero la respuesta institucional fue sorprendente: el 3 de noviembre, la AlcaldĆa de San Salvador se negó a realizar el cambio. El jefe del registro y el registrador presentaron un amparo ante la Sala de lo Constitucional, paralizando el proceso.
āNo solo me lo negaron, sino que ahora me exponen a un juicio aĆŗn mayorā, expresa Guevara. La frustración y la indignación fueron creciendo. En febrero de 2023, presentó una denuncia ante la FiscalĆa General de la RepĆŗblica, aunque lo hizo con poca esperanza. āTemĆa que no harĆan nadaā, dijo. Y el 16 de abril de 2024, sus temores se confirmaron: la FiscalĆa archivó el caso alegando que āno existe delito que perseguirā.
El 19 de noviembre de ese mismo año, Guevara decidió acudir a instancias internacionales y presentó su caso ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. La CIDH ya notificó al Estado salvadoreño y le otorgó un plazo de cuatro meses para responder por qué no ha ejecutado el cambio ordenado por el juzgado.
āObviamente no van a dar respuestaā, lamenta Guevara. Lo dice con la voz entrecortada, como quien ya ha llorado mucho, pero no ha perdido la voluntad de hablar. Reconoce que el proceso le ha afectado emocionalmente. āCada vez que hablo de esto se me corta la vozā.
Las heridas no solo vienen de las oficinas estatales, sino tambiĆ©n de las calles. Las miradas, los comentarios, el momento de presentar el DUI en cualquier trĆ”mite. āEs como si cada vez tuviera que explicar mi existencia. Es un juicio constante sobre quiĆ©n soyā.
Guevara no estĆ” sola. Reconoce que hay otras personas trans en la misma situación. āLo preocupante es que solo pasa en algunas zonas del paĆs. En otras ha habido casos exitososā, afirma. La disparidad en el trato revela una preocupante arbitrariedad institucional.
Uno de esos casos exitosos es el de Valeria MejĆa, coordinadora de monitoreo y evaluación de ASPIDH. Su DUI ya refleja su nombre identitario, aunque no su gĆ©nero.
āCuando recibĆ mi DUI con el nombre que me identifico pensĆ©: aquĆ empieza una nueva vidaā, relata.
Para MejĆa, el cambio fue profundamente simbólico. āUno ve pasar toda su vida frente a los ojos. Toda la discriminación, todos los rechazos. SentĆ que algo sanabaā. A pesar de ello, su gĆ©nero asignado al nacer sigue apareciendo en el documento, lo que le genera inseguridad.
āEl problema es que tengo que ir a todas las instituciones donde aparezco con mi nombre anterior. En el Seguro Social, por ejemplo, aĆŗn estoy registrada con el nombre masculino y no pueden atenderme, aunque el nĆŗmero del DUI sea el mismoā, explica.
Casos como los de Guevara y MejĆa visibilizan una problemĆ”tica estructural: el Estado salvadoreƱo no garantiza de forma uniforme el derecho a la identidad de las personas trans. Las resoluciones favorables son solo el primer paso. Su implementación efectiva aĆŗn tropieza con prejuicios, burocracia y omisiones.
Con la campaña #JusticiaParaKarla, la activista busca mÔs que una solución a su caso personal. Busca generar conciencia, exigir coherencia legal y empujar una transformación cultural. En la marcha del 17 de mayo contra la LGBTIfobia, su presencia se hizo notar con camisetas, banners y mensajes que interpelan directamente al sistema.
Guevara ha hecho de su cuerpo, su voz y su historia una herramienta de resistencia. En cada conversatorio de āSi tĆŗ fueras yoā, invita a imaginar, a empatizar, a incomodarse.
āLo que me pasa a mĆ le puede pasar a cualquier persona trans. Y si el Estado no nos reconoce, nos niega tambiĆ©n la posibilidad de existir plenamenteā, expresa.
Hoy, la resolución estÔ en manos de la CIDH y el tiempo corre. La lucha de Guevara ya no es solo por una partida de nacimiento. Es por el derecho a ser, a vivir sin miedo, a que el nombre que la representa no siga siendo un motivo de juicio, burla o rechazo.
Mientras tanto, sigue esperando. Sigue alzando la voz. Sigue sembrando esperanza en quienes vienen detrĆ”s. Porque como ella misma dice: āEsto no se trata solo de mĆ. Se trata de justiciaā.
China
Female writers arrested in Chinese crackdown on gay erotic fiction
Pingping Anan Yongfu arrested last month, detailed ordeal on Weibo

On Chinaās Weibo, a platform akin to a digital town square, a young woman using the handle Pingping Anan Yongfu laid bare a harrowing ordeal. She was arrested and subjected to a humiliating strip search for publishing gay erotic fiction. Her raw and unsparing account exposed a broader clampdown.
Since February, at least 30 other writers ā mostly women in their 20s ā have shared similar stories of law enforcement raids, their lives upended for crafting “danmei,” a genre of male-male romance often laced with explicit themes, on Haitang Literature City and other platforms.
āI will never forget it ā being escorted to the car in full view,ā posted Pingping. āEnduring the humiliation of stripping naked for examination in front of strangers, putting on a vest for photos, sitting in the chair, shaking with fear, my heart pounding.ā
A wave of legal limbo engulfs the writers, with many released on bail or awaiting trial, their fates uncertain, according to a BBC. Others remain behind bars, their detention a stark reminder of the crackdownās reach.
Beyond those arrested, a broader net has been cast: scores of contributors to Haitang Literature City have been hauled in for interrogations, their online words now a potential liability under Chinaās pornography laws for producing and distributing obscene materials.
Chinaās pornography laws cast a long shadow over writers, with those profiting from their work facing prison terms exceeding a decade for crafting “explicit descriptions of gay sex or other sexual perversions.” Yet, heterosexual erotica often escapes such scrutiny, slipping through the cracks of enforcement. Nobel Laureate Mo Yan, whose novels brim with graphic sexual scenes, and Jia Pingwa, known for vivid depictions in works like āAbandoned Capital,ā and other acclaimed writers continue to publish freely, their books lining shelves without fear of raids. This stark disparity underscores a selective crackdown, where gay erotica bears the brunt of official censure.
Beijingās unease with the online outcry was palpable, as the trending hashtag #HaitangAuthorsArrested, which amassed more than 30 million views on Weibo, vanished abruptly under censorshipās heavy hand. Posts offering legal advice to the embattled writers were scrubbed, and a detailed report on the crackdown by Caixin, a leading Chinese news outlet, was swiftly taken offline. Writersā accounts, including some of their pseudonymous handles, have also begun to disappear, erased from the digital landscape as authorities tighten their grip.
As her post ricocheted across Chinaās digital sphere, Pingping abruptly deleted it, replacing it with a brief message expressing gratitude to supporters while conceding she had broken the law. The admission, tinged with resignation, marked her final act on Weibo before she erased her account entirely, vanishing from the platform amid mounting pressure from authorities.
āDanmei,ā a vibrant subgenre of Chinese fiction, centers on romantic and often sexually explicit relationships between men, captivating a largely female readership through its blend of emotional depth, fantasy, and forbidden desire. Rooted in Japanese āyaoiā or “boysā love,” but distinctly shaped by Chinese cultural sensibilities, it flourishes on Haitang Literature City and JJWXC and other platforms where writers craft sprawling tales of historical, fantastical, or modern love that often laced with themes of power and sacrifice.
Despite its popularity ā bolstered by blockbuster adaptations like āThe Untamed,ā which amassed millions of fans ā ādanmeiā faces intense scrutiny in China, where authorities deem its explicit content “obscene” under vague pornography laws. This tension reflects a broader cultural clash: while ādanmeiā offers a space for exploring queer identities and challenging traditional gender norms, its underground allure draws both devoted fans and the wary eye of censors seeking to uphold conservative values.
A sweeping crackdown in late 2024 saw Chinese authorities prosecute roughly 50 ādanmeiā writers, ensnaring them in a legal dragnet under the countryās 2004 obscenity laws. Among them, Yuan Shang Bai Yun Jian, a prominent author who earned 1.85 million yuan ($250,874.58) from her work on Haitang Literature City, was sentenced to nearly five years in prison, her success weaponized as evidence of āobscene materials for profit.āĀ
The harsh penalties, which outstrip those for some violent crimes, sparked outrage online, with netizens decrying the disproportionate punishment for crafting stories that, while explicit, harmed no one.
Chinese media regulator banned ādanmeiā TV dramas in 2022
Humiliation washed over Pingping as law enforcement stormed into her college classroom, recounted a writer using the Weibo handle “Tianxia Ju Da Bingyuan” or āThe World Is a Vast Asylum.ā Dragged from her lecture under the stunned gazes of her peers, she endured a public spectacle as officers trailed her to her dormitory, rifling through her belongings in a search for evidence of her ādanmeiā stories, leaving her exposed and her privacy shattered.
āDanmeiā novels, centered on male-male romance have spurred numerous Chinese television dramas, but state censorship has sharply reduced their output. A 2021 Sixth Tone report identified more than 60 ādanmeiā-based dramas in development or slated for release, involving actors who include Chen Feiyu and Fan Chengcheng. Many of them, however, were halted following the 2022 National Radio and Television Administration ban on such adaptations.
MyDramaList records 16 aired series, including “The Untamed” (2019) and “Word of Honor” (2021), each with 30ā50 actors, totaling approximately 480ā800 performers. Lead actors, including Xiao Zhan and Wang Yibo, earned $1ā3 million per series, per The China Project, while others made $50,000ā$100,000, though precise figures remain limited due to private contracts. The 2021 āInternet Clean-up Campaignā and continued restrictions have significantly curbed new ādanmeiā adaptations.