District of Columbia
Activists defend D.C. Jail’s treatment of trans inmates
Budd, Hughes say most choose to stay in men’s facility
Longtime local transgender advocates Earline Budd and Jeri Hughes, who have served for more than a decade on the D.C. Department of Corrections’ Transgender Housing and Transgender Advisory committees, say they have witnessed first-hand what they believe to be the D.C. Jail’s role in leading the nation in its policies in support of transgender inmates.
The two said that around 2009 the D.C. Jail became one of the nation’s first correctional facilities to adopt a policy allowing transgender inmates to choose whether to be placed in the men’s or the women’s housing units.
In a claim that will likely come as a surprise to LGBTQ activists, Budd and Hughes said more than 95 percent of female transgender inmates at the D.C. Jail chose to be placed in the men’s section of the jail.
Budd and Hughes said they were motivated to speak out about DOC’s trans policies following a class action lawsuit filed last year against the city by the ACLU of D.C. and the D.C. Public Defender Service on behalf of a female transgender inmate at the D.C. Jail.
The lawsuit charged that officials at the Department of Corrections and the jail violated the gender identity provision of the city’s Human Rights Act and the constitutional rights of equal protection for trans inmate Sunday Hinton by placing her in the men’s housing unit at the jail against her wishes in May 2021.
Hinton and five other former female trans inmates at the jail submitted sworn affidavits as part of the lawsuit claiming that their requests to be housed in the women’s section of the jail were either denied or jail officials coerced them into agreeing to be placed in the men’s section. The affidavits say the alleged improper action by jail officials against the six trans women took place between 2019 and 2021.
Hinton has since been released from the jail after a burglary related charge brought against her was dropped.
The Office of the D.C. Attorney General, which represents the city in lawsuits, and Hinton reached a settlement agreement last month to end the lawsuit. The DOC agreed in the settlement, among other things, to put in place policies that ensure that trans inmates can choose the section of the jail in which they are to be housed.
The agreement keeps in place existing DOC policies calling for the Transgender Housing Committee to review all trans housing requests and to make a recommendation on the request, with jail security officials making the final decision on where to place the trans inmate.
Hughes told the Washington Blade that for the past decade or longer DOC and jail officials have followed the recommendations of the Transgender Housing Committee, whose members include representatives of the trans community.
She points out that the objective of the committee is to confirm that a trans female inmate requesting housing in the women’s section of the jail is truly a transgender person and not a male inmate claiming to be trans with the possible motive of sexually assaulting or otherwise endangering cisgender female inmates.
According to Budd and Hughes, at the request of LGBTQ rights advocates, the DOC adopted a policy in 2009 that allowed transgender inmates to choose whether to be placed in the men’s or women’s section of the jail. They said the policy, which created the DOC’s Transgender Housing Committee as well as a Transgender Advisory Committee, called for the housing committee to review the inmates’ housing requests to assess the safety of the trans inmates and all other inmates.
“You cannot just say I’m transgender and go in the women’s jail,” Hughes said. “You’ve got to have an evaluation. You have to be determined – OK, you’re legit. You live as a woman. You’re transgender,” Hughes told the Blade.
Hughes and Budd said the allegations raised in the Sunday Hinton lawsuit, if true, appear to be a breach in the DOC and the D.C. Jail’s longstanding policy of allowing trans inmates to choose whether to be placed in the men’s or women’s section of the jail. Budd said restrictions put in place at the jail in response to the COVID pandemic resulted in the suspension of all meetings of the Transgender Housing Committee.
But she said it was her understanding that an official at the jail who is a member of the Transgender Housing Committee has been meeting individually with trans inmates to determine their preference for a housing assignment. Budd said the official, who she identified as Tracy Outlaw, was also helping transgender inmates obtain things they needed, such as women’s undergarments like bras and hormone treatments.
“What I can say is the jail does not and has not been mistreating transgender inmates coming in the jail, and that they get the utmost respect in terms of the population,” Budd said.
When asked to explain their claim that nearly all female trans inmates choose to be placed in the men’s section of the jail, Budd and Hughes said that the female trans inmates are treated with greater respect by fellow male inmates than by female inmates.
“In the male section of the jail, they have a certain status,” Hughes said. “They are desirable. In the female section, they are not desirable. So, there is no advantage for them to be there,” according to Hughes. “And nearly every [trans] girl that has ever asked to go to the female section is in there for about a week and asks to get back right away” to the male section, Hughes said.
Department of Corrections spokesperson Keena Blackmon provided the Blade with an update on the DOC’s transgender policies following the settlement of the lawsuit, but she did not respond to the Blade’s request for confirmation of Budd and Hughes’ assertion that nearly all transgender female inmates request to be housed in the men’s section of the D.C. Jail.
“While the DC Department of Corrections (DOC) does not comment on the specifics of litigation-related matters, DOC is committed to ensuring a safe, secure and inclusive environment for all our residents, including our transgender, intersex and gender non-conforming residents,” Blackmon said in an email. “DOC formed the Transgender Advisory Committee (TAC), which serves as a liaison for the DOC and the transgender community and also internally established the Transgender Housing Committee (THC),” she said.
“The COVID-19 pandemic necessitated a host of operational changes to ensure the health and wellbeing of all DOC residents and staff and affected the ability of the THC to operate in its normal capacity,” Blackmon said. “As we have navigated the challenges of the pandemic, we have continued to adopt both our policies and practices to ensure we meet our above stated commitment while addressing the public health needs of all in our DOC facilities and will continue to do so,” she said.
Scott Michelman, legal director of the ACLU of D.C. who served as the lead attorney representing Sunday Hinton in her lawsuit against the DOC, said the actions by officials at the D.C. Jail toward Hinton and the five trans female inmates who joined her in the class action lawsuit raised serious doubts about any claims that the DOC had in place trans supportive policies – at least during the years of 2019 through early 2021.
Michelman points out that Tracy Outlaw, one of the DOC officials serving on the Transgender Housing Committee that Budd said has been supportive of trans inmates, is accused in one of the sworn affidavits submitted by a trans inmate who was part of the Hinton lawsuit of refusing to help the inmate be placed in the women’s section of the jail. Michelman said another DOC official “coerced” Hinton into signing a form waiving her rights to be placed in the women’s section of the jail.
“These actions, among others, undermine the claim that DOC was doing right by trans folks as of 2021,” Michelman said. “If DOC wants to protect trans women, it can start by complying with the settlement terms reached in Sunday Hinton’s case,” he said.
Budd said that while any DOC staff member should be held accountable for violating the DOC’s transgender policies, she strongly disputes claims that Tracy Outlaw coerced a trans inmate into being housed in the men’s section of the jail.
“What I am not going to do is go back and forth about this case,” Budd told the Blade. “The fact is that the ACLU and the attorneys are only seeking one side of this story,” which she said was that of the trans inmates who were part of the Hinton lawsuit.
“It is not fair that these allegations are coming up and we are not able to share our side of the story, which is totally different,” she said. “I have been and continue to be a transgender advocate and will support even those who have sought to demean me.”
Critics of the DOC have pointed out that many of the problems faced by the D.C. Jail surfaced under the tenure of former DOC Director, Quincy Booth, who held the director’s position from 2016 to January of this year, when Mayor Muriel Bowser replaced him with former DOC Director Tom Faust. Faust served as director from 2011 to 2016 during the years that Budd and Hughes have said DOC put in place or strengthened its trans supportive policies.
Bowser’s decision to replace Booth came shortly after the Federal Bureau of Prisons transferred 400 inmates at the D.C. Jail to a federal prison in Pennsylvania after announcing an inspection of the jail by U.S. Marshals found “evidence of systematic failures” and unacceptable living conditions at the jail.
Budd said that shortly after Faust began as acting DOC Director, he invited her to meet with him to discuss trans issues at the jail.
District of Columbia
To school to homeschool to school again
‘Pandemic took more than 2 years of school. It took 2 years of my childhood’
It wasn’t until I no longer had those 30 minutes of lunch and recess, when all the boys and girls would come together to trade bracelets, make up games, gossip about who we liked, play tag and sports, that I realized how much of my childhood happened during the parts of school that had nothing to do with schoolwork.
I was in the third grade when the COVID-19 pandemic began. I remember my parents explaining that I couldn’t go back to school and wondering when I would see my friends again — or whether I wanted to go back at all. But after spending two years learning from home, cut off from the friends, teachers and routines I had known, I began to understand what I had lost.
For many of my friends and classmates, going to school changed from a bus ride every morning to clicking a link and seeing their teachers and classmates through a screen. My experience was a little different. Instead of going to virtual school, I was homeschooled. My new routine was sitting at my kitchen table, with my mom teaching me how to write a paragraph or solve a math problem, surrounded by the same walls I saw every day.
My family was not alone. Many families across the country turned to homeschooling after schools shut down. Homeschooling increased sharply during the pandemic, especially among Black families, rising from 3.3 percent in the spring of 2020 to 16.1 percent that fall, according to the U.S. Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey.
It would be two years before I entered a classroom again.
At first, I loved homeschooling.
I didn’t have to wake up early or put on a uniform. I liked the comfort of my own room, surrounded by my stuffed animals and toys. I didn’t have to push my way through that horrible lunch line because my food was now waiting for me at the kitchen table.
It felt like a fever dream where school was canceled and all day was fun. That was my view as a 9-year-old.
But as days turned into weeks and weeks into months, that initial excitement wore off.
Every day became the same routine. There was no recess when I could play princess with all the other girls. There were no conversations in the lunch line and none of the small things that had broken up the school day before. I didn’t realize how much those moments mattered until I could no longer experience them.
With less to look forward to, I started spending more time on the internet.
I turned to platforms such as YouTube and TikTok to distract myself. Instead of seeing what the kids around me were doing every day, I could watch people online show off their clothes, makeup, dances, art and lives.
Over time, I started comparing myself with what I saw. I thought the way I dressed was childish and wanted to be like the superstars I saw online. I followed what was trendy and admired the girls and boys who looked so confident on screen.
Before the pandemic, my friends and I didn’t need the internet to tell us what was popular. But during those years at home, I became much more aware of what other people thought was cool and what someone my age was supposedly supposed to like. I felt as though I was growing up without getting to experience all the steps in between.
When I finally returned to school, I thought my classmates would be excited to see each other again after spending so much time apart.
Instead, I realized how much we all changed.
When I walked through those doors, I remembered vague memories of running down those halls and always seeing my peers with smiles on their faces. Now those same faces were tired, with eye bags. The lunchroom, which used to be full of life with happy kids eating to their hearts’ content, turned into a lunch where all the girls controlled what they ate and talked about the latest trend on TikTok.
Maybe some of that change would have happened anyway. Kids grow up. Interests change. Middle school has always been awkward.
But I didn’t get to watch my classmates gradually change or change alongside them. I left one social world and came back to another.
When I returned, I was expected to understand a social world that had changed while I was gone. I felt I missed so much that I would never get back, and without that day-to-day learning to help me adapt to these new norms, I struggled.
Those everyday interactions are an important part of how children learn to get along with others: A 2026 meta-analysis of 157 studies from 33 countries published in the academic journal Child Development found that children’s social and emotional skills declined during the pandemic, along with their overall well-being. The researchers noted that schools are not just places where children learn math and reading. They are also places where children learn how to make friends, work through disagreements, understand other people’s feelings and manage their own emotions.
Years later, many parents say some of those effects are still being felt. In a 2025 Gallup survey, 45 percent of parents with school-age children said the pandemic hurt their child’s social skills, and 22 percent said those problems were still ongoing. Forty-two percent said the pandemic negatively affected their child’s mental health. Parents were more likely to report problems with their children’s social skills and mental health than with their academics or physical health.
I saw some of those changes around me, too. Classmates who once seemed outgoing became quieter or more withdrawn. Starting conversations felt harder. Making new friends felt harder. Sometimes retreating into myself felt easier than trying to figure out where I belonged.
Now, the kids who were in elementary school when the pandemic began are moving through high school. We are older, but some of us are still figuring out what those missing years meant.
Before the pandemic, I thought lunch and recess were simply breaks from learning. Now I understand that we were learning during those 30 minutes, too. We were learning how to make friends, how to disagree and make up, how to be embarrassed and recover from it, what we liked and what we didn’t, and slowly who we wanted to become.
I can’t know exactly who I would be if I had spent those years inside a classroom instead of at home. Maybe middle school still would have been awkward. Maybe I still would have worried about fitting in.
But I know I missed something I didn’t understand was important until it was gone: the ordinary, sometimes boring, sometimes ridiculous parts of growing up alongside other kids.
You can make up schoolwork. You can return to the classroom. But there are some parts of childhood you don’t get to repeat.
Gloria Collazo Huamani is a sophomore at Benjamin Banneker Academic High School in D.C., one of Youthcast Media Group’s journalism class partners. Gloria worked with James Jarvis, a YMG mentor-editor and reporter for Inside Health Policy, on this story.
District of Columbia
Former Capital Pride board member reiterates sexual harassment allegation
Trans activist says resignation of board chair won’t change org’s culture
Taylor Lianne Chandler, who earlier this year resigned from the Capital Pride Alliance Board of Directors after expressing concern that the board failed to address instances of “sexual misconduct” within the Capital Pride organization, said this week she doesn’t believe her concerns will be addressed following the resignation of the board’s current chairperson.
Capital Pride Alliance serves as the lead organizer of D.C.’s annual LGBTQ Pride events.
Anna Jinkerson, who has served as chair of the Capital Pride board for only 10 months and has served on the board for the past four years, confirmed she is resigning from the board effective Sept. 30.
In a statement to the Washington Blade commenting on the possible impact of Jinkerson’s resignation, Chandler said Capital Pride board member Natalie Thompson would be replacing Jinkerson as board chair, and she didn’t expect that change to impact what she called Capital Pride’s problematic “culture.”
But Ryan Bos, the Capital Pride president and CEO, told the Blade that Thompson had not been selected as the new board chair and that a new chair would not be selected until the board holds an election scheduled for October.
Chandler, who identifies as transgender, said it was a Capital Pride board member who told her that Natalie Thompson had been or would be selected as the new Capital Pride board chair. She didn’t identify the board member.
“My concerns about how Capital Pride has handled serious allegations of sexual misconduct have not disappeared with a change in leadership,” she told the Blade in her statement. “When leadership continues to socialize, smile for photographs, and share spaces with someone facing serious allegations, what message does that send to the people who say they were harmed,” she said.
Chandler has told the Blade a Capital Pride investigation identified an individual implicated in a “pattern” of sexual harassment-related behavior but said she was bound by a Non-Disclosure Agreement that applied to all board members and she could not provide further details.
When asked by the Blade to comment on Chandler’s allegations at the time she resigned from the board in February of this year, board chair Jinkerson said Capital Pride acts “quickly and appropriately” to address concerns such as those raised by Chandler. But she and other Capital Pride officials did not at that time or since then specifically acknowledge whether someone associated with the organization engaged in sexual harassment.
“The community deserves transparency, accountability, and leadership willing to make difficult decisions,” Chandler said in her statement to the Blade this week. “Changing the chair doesn’t change the culture,” she added. “Actions do.”
In response to a request from the Blade for an update on its response to Chandler’s allegations about alleged sexual misconduct within the Capital Pride organization, Bos sent the Blade a statement on behalf of Capital Pride.
“The Capital Pride Alliance takes allegations of harassment, misconduct, and unsafe behavior seriously,” the statement says. “The organization follows standard procedures and engages appropriate resources to support a thorough, confidential, and impartial review, when information is reported.”
The statement adds, ”Because these matters require maintaining confidentiality and protecting the privacy of personnel, volunteers, and governance processes, we will not comment on specific individuals, allegations, investigative findings or communications involving law enforcement.”
It concludes by stating, “We remain committed to fostering a safe, respectful, and inclusive environment, appropriately addressing concerns raised, and continuing to strengthen our policies, governance practices, and organizational culture.”
Although the statement refers to “communications involving law enforcement,” Capital Pride has not disclosed whether instances of alleged sexual harassment or, as stated by Chandler, a possible instance of sexual assault, have been reported to D.C. police.
A D.C. police spokesperson, in response to a Blade inquiry, said they have no record of a sexual harassment or sexual assault complaint surfacing from the Capital Pride office, which is located in the D.C. LGBTQ+ Community Center building at 1827 Wiltberger Street, N.W.
But the Blade has obtained a D.C. police incident report that appears to confirm Capital Pride COO June Crenshaw’s claim in a recent Facebook post that she reported at least one incident of sexual harassment related to Capital Pride to D.C. police.
The report, which was filed on Oct. 11, 2025, states that Crenshaw told a police officer who prepared the report that another person told her “that a board member of Capital Pride Alliance groped his genitals at a Capital Pride event.” The report says Crenshaw told the officer the person who reported being groped “did not want to speak to the police at this time.”
The incident report, which is a public document, says the person who reported the groping told Crenshaw about it on Oct. 8, 2025. It concludes by saying Crenshaw was given “resource information” to provide to the person who said he was groped. It does not identify that person or the board member who allegedly committed the groping.
Officials at Capital Pride recently exchanged testy public Facebook posts with Chandler. Crenshaw criticized Chandler for her social media posts on the matter.
“It is remarkable to watch people publicly accuse others of failing to create safe spaces when, during the time they themselves held positions of leadership and significant volunteer responsibility, they claim to have witnessed deeply troubling behavior, yet never reported what they allegedly witnessed to fellow leaders, law enforcement, the Office of the Attorney General, legal counsel, or staff responsible for addressing such concerns,” Crenshaw wrote. “When I became aware of allegations or personally witnessed conduct that required intervention, I reported what I knew through the appropriate channels, including to law enforcement and other relevant authorities. Investigations were conducted. Those processes created records, documentation, correspondence, timelines, and conclusions.”
Chandler responded, “I was NOT in organizational leadership or fully informed about the scope of these allegations when much of what you reference occurred. I was read into the situation after becoming an executive officer. By that point, the investigation had already concluded, and we were awaiting the final report. … Once that report became available to me, and once I understood the seriousness and scope of what was being alleged, my position was anything but ambiguous: I did not believe this individual should be welcomed at, participate in, or have access to official Pride events.”
Capital Pride’s attorney Nick Harrison then joined the exchange, accusing Chandler of violating confidentiality rules.
“You served on the Board for years. You cannot now present yourself as an outsider with no responsibility for what occurred during your tenure,” Harrison wrote. “When the situation became difficult, you resigned, provided your resignation letter to the media, disclosed confidential organizational matters, and recast yourself as the victim.”
Again, no one has publicly identified the person Chandler references as being welcome at Pride events and photographed with Capital Pride leadership.
District of Columbia
Center for Black Equity’s annual gala to take place Oct. 3
Advocacy group to honor Black LGBTQ community champions
The Center for Black Equity, the D.C.-based international network of LGBTQ activists and organizations that advocate for Black LGBTQ communities and organize Black Pride events worldwide, will hold its annual 2026 BE Gala in D.C. on Oct. 3.
The event, to be held at the Conrad Washington Hotel at 950 New York Ave., N.W., among other things, will honor at least a dozen “distinguished Black individuals” and organizations that champion Black LGBTQ communities, according to a statement released by the Center for Black Equity.
“The honorees will receive awards recognizing extraordinary leadership, advocacy, and service across civil rights, public health, the arts, media, entrepreneurship, and community life,” the statement says.
“With an elegant atmosphere and a bold mission, this unforgettable evening brings together advocates, allies, and change makers committed to equity and joy,” the statement says in referring to the Oct. 3 BE Gala.
The statement notes that tickets for the event, which serves as a fundraiser for the Center of Black Equity, begin at $250 for individuals and include dinner and two drinks. It says reserved tables for eight were being offered for $2,000, and “Premier” tables for eight were selling for $2,500 and include seating near the stage.
“The BE Gala is more than an evening of celebration,” according to the statement. “It is an opportunity to honor Black LGBTQ+ leadership while investing in the work of the Center for Black Equity.”
Kenya Hutton, the Center for Black Equity’s CEO, told the Washington Blade the name “BE” for the gala is not an acronym. “The name is rooted in the idea of being: being seen, being celebrated and being fully and authentically yourself,” he said.
“BE Gala creates a space to celebrate Black LGGTQ+ people for who they are, the lives they lead and the impact they make,” he added.
The Center for Black Equity until 2012 was called the International Federation of Black Prides and was founded by organizers of D.C.’s Black Pride celebration.
Its current website includes a statement saying it’s mission is to “promote a multinational LGBTQ+ network dedicated to improving health and wellness opportunities, economic empowerment, and equal rights while promoting individua and collective work, responsibilities, and self-empowerment.”
The 2026 Center for Black Equity award honorees as announced in its statement released this week are:
Courtney Snowden: Welmore Cook Advocacy & Service Award
Clover Barnes: Ernest Hopkins Public Health Leadership Award
Nikki Alexander: Unsung Hero Award
Darryl G. Moore: Center for Black Equity Leadership Award
The Freelux Project: Center for Black Equity Small Business Award
Tori Cooper: Earline Budd Transgender Leadership Award
Bishop Steven R. Sawyer: Bishop Kwabena Rainey Cheeks Spiritual & Community Leadership Award
Rev. Carmarion D. Anderson-Harvey: Bishop Kwabena Rainey Cheeks Spiritual & Community Leadership Award
Monroe Alise: Trans Power in Media Award
Justin N. Stewart: National Black Pride Image Award
Marlene McNeese: Curtis L. Etherly Jr. Ally Award
Venton Jones: Eleanor Holmes Norton Civil Rights & Justice Award
In Our Own Voices, Inc.: Ruth Ellis Community Impact Award
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