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Ric Grenell in ’92: ‘Only whores and very small children wear red shoes’

Trump’s gay nominee has history of derogatory comments about women

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Richard Grenell said in 1992: “Only whores and very small children wear red shoes.”
(Screen capture public domain)

President Trump’s nominee for U.S. ambassador to Germany — the first major openly gay appointment of the administration — came under fire in the recent past for snide comments on Twitter about the physical appearance of several prominent women — but a 1995 Washington Post profile story on him reveals he was making such comments long before the arrival of social media.

The more than 20-year-old profile piece on Ric Grenell, sent to the Washington Blade on Saturday, takes a look at his personality long before the Trump nominee served as spokesperson for the U.S. mission to the United Nations during the George W. Bush administration or as a Fox News commentator. The piece was written during Grenell’s days as press secretary to Rep. Mark Sanford (R-S.C.) at the dawn of the “Gingrich Revolution.”

A key portion of the profile quotes Laurie Blackford, then a producer for Chris Matthews long before he came to MSNBC, recalling remarks Grenell allegedly made to a fellow campaign staffer on the 1992 Bush-Quayle re-election campaign.

“One of our staff people came in and had on a flowery dress and red shoes and Ric looked at her and said, ‘Didn’t your mother ever tell you only whores and very small children wear red shoes?'” Blackford is quoted as saying.

At the time the profile piece was written three years later, the Post sought a response on the remarks from Grenell, who acknowledged them as a joke.

“You know that was a joke,” Grenell is quoted as saying while chuckling. “But come on. Red shoes?”

The remarks are consistent with comments Grenell has made about women on Twitter. One 2011 tweet directed at Rachel Maddow, the lesbian MSNBC host, said she “needs to take a breath and put on a necklace” and another compared her look to that of pop singer Justin Bieber.

One tweet directed at Callista Gingrich questioned whether she “snaps on” her hair. At around the same time, Grenell tweeted Hillary Clinton “is starting to look like Madeleine Albright.”

Grenell, who also has a history of antagonizing reporters on Twitter, deleted and apologized for those tweets years ago during his brief tenure of several days with Mitt Romney’s 2012 presidential campaign. Although some point to the tweets as the reason he didn’t last long with the campaign, others say the appointment of a gay person to the GOP campaign was nixed after objections from anti-gay activists.

During Grenell’s confirmation hearing last week, Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) queried him about his comments on Twitter about women, asking him if he regrets those words and can understand the concern about the impact they’ll have on his role in Germany.

“Anybody who knows me knows that I am a very caring person and very sensitive — and I also appreciate good humor,” Grenell said in response. “Unfortunately, there are times where what was intended to be humorous turned out to be not so humorous, and, again, that was never my intention and I regret that.”

The 1995 Post profile piece — written before Grenell met his partner of 15 years, Matt Lashey — never mentions Grenell’s sexual orientation.

The article, titled “Republican Party Animal,” says the then 28-year-old Grenell “is not really in the market for a relationship” between “working out twice a day, playing softball with Hill friends and just getting through each day’s work.”

“I have no time,” Grenell is quoted as saying. “It wouldn’t be fair.”

The article also quotes Blackford as saying Grenell was “the most perfect-looking person — perfectly pressed and dressed.”

Despite Grenell’s support for Trump and other GOP presidential candidates, the article calls him a fan of then-first lady Hillary Clinton.

But the article also quotes Grenell as expressing consternation over the election of Bill Clinton in 1992 over incumbent President George H.W. Bush.

“I don’t even like it when people say Clinton won. A majority of the people did not vote for him,” Grenell is quoted as saying. “Not only had my candidate lost, but I also lost my job. I felt that we had truly let President Bush down and I was depressed.”

Grenell didn’t respond to the Blade’s request for comment on the 1992 remarks about women at the time of his nomination to the Trump administration. Although the Senate has held a confirmation hearing, it has yet to hold a vote on his confirmation as U.S. ambassador to Germany.

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Rehoboth Beach

BLUF leather social set for April 10 in Rehoboth

Attendees encouraged to wear appropriate gear

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Diego’s in Rehoboth Beach will host a BLUF leather social on Friday, April 10 at 5 p.m. (Blade file photo by Michael Key)

Diego’s in Rehoboth Beach hosts a monthly leather happy hour. April’s edition is scheduled for Friday, April 10, 5-7 p.m. Attendees are encouraged to wear appropriate gear. The event is billed as an official event of BLUF, the free community group for men interested in leather. After happy hour, the attendees are encouraged to reconvene at Local Bootlegging Company for dinner, which allows cigar smoking. There’s no cover charge for either event.

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District of Columbia

Celebrations of life planned for Sean Bartel

Two memorial events scheduled in D.C.

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(Washington Blade file photo by Michael Key)

Two celebrations of life are planned for Sean Christopher Bartel, 48, who was found deceased on a hiking trail in Argentina on or around March 15. Bartel began his career as a television news reporter and news anchor at stations in Louisville, Ky., and Evansville, Ind., before serving as Senior Video Producer for the D.C.-based International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union from 2013 to 2024.

A memorial gathering is planned for Friday, April 10, 11:30 a.m.-1:30 p.m. at the IBEW International Office (900 7th St., N.W.), according to a statement by the DC Gay Flag Football League, where Bartel was a longtime member. A celebration of life is planned that same evening, 6-8 p.m. at Trade (1410 14th St., N.W.). 

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Puerto Rico

The ‘X’ returns to court

1st Circuit hears case over legal recognition of nonbinary Puerto Ricans

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(Photo by Sergei Gnatuk via Bigstock)

Eight months ago, I wrote about this issue at a time when it had not yet reached the judicial level it faces today. Back then, the conversation moved through administrative decisions, public debate, and political resistance. It was unresolved, but it had not yet reached this point.

That has now changed.

Lambda Legal appeared before the 1st U.S. Court of Appeals in Boston, urging the court to uphold a lower court ruling that requires the government of Puerto Rico to issue birth certificates that accurately reflect the identities of nonbinary individuals. The appeal follows a district court decision that found the denial of such recognition to be a violation of the U.S. Constitution.

This marks a turning point. The issue is no longer theoretical. A court has already determined that unequal treatment exists.

The argument presented by the plaintiffs is grounded in Puerto Rico’s own legal framework. Identity birth certificates are not static historical records. They are functional documents used in everyday life. They are required to access employment, education, and essential services. Their purpose is practical, not symbolic.

Within that framework, the exclusion of nonbinary individuals does not stem from a legal limitation. Puerto Rico already allows gender marker corrections on birth certificates for transgender individuals under the precedent established in Arroyo Gonzalez v. Rosselló Nevares. In addition, the current Civil Code recognizes the existence of identity documents that reflect a person’s lived identity beyond the original birth record.

The issue lies in how the law is applied.

Recognition is granted within specific categories, while those who do not identify within that binary structure remain excluded. That exclusion is now at the center of this case.

Lambda Legal’s position is straightforward. Requiring individuals to carry documents that do not reflect who they are forces them into misrepresentation in essential aspects of daily life. This creates practical barriers, exposes them to scrutiny, and places them in a constant state of vulnerability.

The plaintiffs, who were born in Puerto Rico, have made clear that access to accurate identification is not symbolic. It is a basic condition for moving through the world without contradiction imposed by the state.

The fact that this case is now being addressed in the federal court system adds another layer of significance. This is not a pending policy discussion or a legislative proposal. It is a constitutional question. The analysis is not about political preference, but about rights and equal protection under the law.

This case does not exist in isolation.

It unfolds within a broader context in which debates over identity and rights have increasingly been shaped by the growing influence of conservative perspectives in public policy, both in the United States and in Puerto Rico. At the local level, this influence has been reflected in legislative discussions where religious arguments have begun to intersect with decisions that should be grounded in constitutional principles. That intersection creates tension around the separation of church and state and has direct consequences for access to rights.

Recognizing this context is not an attack on faith or religious practice. It is an acknowledgment that when certain perspectives move into the realm of public authority, they can shape outcomes that affect specific communities.

From within Puerto Rico, this is not a distant debate. It is a lived reality. It is present in the difficulty of presenting identification that does not match one’s identity, and in the consequences that follow in workplaces, schools, and government spaces.

The progression of this case introduces the possibility of change within the applicable legal framework. Not because it resolves every tension surrounding the issue, but because it establishes a legal examination of a practice that has long operated under exclusion.

Eight months ago, the conversation centered on ongoing developments. Today, there is already a judicial finding that identifies a violation of rights. What remains is whether that finding will be upheld on appeal.

That process does not guarantee an immediate outcome, but it shifts the ground.

The debate is no longer theoretical.

It is now before the courts.

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