National
Corporate America caves to Trump, abandons Pride
Anti-DEI crusade scares off many sponsors, but organizers vow to carry on
Pride began as an uprising against a political system that told LGBTQ people they did not belong.
More than 50 years later, after what many believed was a lasting cultural shift toward acceptance, that progress now feels increasingly fragile. What once seemed like hard-won inclusion is being tested in a political environment in which LGBTQ rights have re-emerged as a central point of debate, from school boards to state legislatures to the highest levels of government. While today’s backlash does not resemble police batons on the streets of Greenwich Village in 1969, advocates say it is taking a new form—through policy fights, cultural rhetoric, and a quiet retreat by corporate America from Pride itself.
For many in the LGBTQ community, Pride remains the most important event of the year. It is a moment when cities and towns—large and small, urban and rural, blue and red—attempt to create space for those who were long treated as outsiders. What was once confined to secrecy, coded meeting places, and dingy bar backrooms has become visible and celebrated openly in streets filled with music, color, and community.
Over time, however, Pride has also evolved. With each passing year and each wave of corporate sponsorship, it has drifted further from its explicitly political roots. For many observers, it is now often perceived as a cultural celebration or festival rather than a protest born out of state violence and legal discrimination against LGBTQ people.
Now, as LGBTQ communities again face intensified political attacks—this time driven by Republican officials across multiple levels of government and policies emerging from the Trump administration—some advocates say corporate sponsors are quietly pulling back to avoid offending the government amid an unprecedented crackdown on DEI. In doing so, they argue, companies risk forgetting that Pride itself began as a refusal to stay silent or invisible—a movement that, in its earliest form, quite literally overturned the status quo.
That tension between political urgency, cultural visibility, and corporate participation is now being felt in very concrete ways inside the organizations that produce Pride events.
The Washington Blade spoke with Pride organizers, marketing experts, advocacy organizations, and reviewed national reporting and corporate data to understand what the decline in Pride sponsorships reveals about corporate America’s relationship with LGBTQ people—and whether that support was ever as durable as many believed.
Declining sponsorships
For organizers, the conversation begins with numbers.
Across the country, Pride groups report declining sponsorship revenue, fewer corporate partners, and increased difficulty securing the commitments that have helped fund modern Pride celebrations for decades.
Mike Alexander, director of development for Capital Pride Alliance, which organizes D.C.’s Pride events, said the shift became noticeable almost immediately after President Donald Trump’s return to the Oval Office.
“As soon as the inauguration happened and the immediate swift attacks on DEI began, we started seeing a downturn in sponsorships. We probably had close to $10 million in pledges, and that was pretty much cut in half last year. Even though WorldPride ended up being an overall success and we had incredible support from sponsors that were able to remain on, overall support has been down quite significantly from what we usually have. Between 2016 and 2024, we typically saw anywhere from 150 to 275 corporate sponsors. Now we’re looking at probably about half of that this year, so it’s quite a significant drop.”
Yet organizers say most companies are not explicitly citing politics when they walk away.
“I can’t recall any particular sponsor that actually cited DEI. A lot of them cited budget concerns, reorganizations, and restructuring. No one in particular says, ‘We’re not coming back because of this. We don’t want to support you.’ I think the overall sentiment is that a lot of companies still want to support.”
Alexander noted that uncertainty extends beyond DEI debates alone.
“There are a lot of things happening right now. The global conflicts, the economy, and the broader political climate all play a role. D.C. is uniquely impacted because there are a lot of organizations and companies here that are directly connected to government, federal contractors, public policy, and advocacy. There’s so much uncertainty.”
Even so, he acknowledged the reasons often go unsaid.
“Nobody really says that. They cite other reasons, or they don’t respond. Sometimes they simply say they can’t participate and don’t mention the exact reasons why. I think we can read between the lines.”
Political pressure, DEI, & corporate fear
For many observers, those lines point toward a rapidly changing political environment.
Andrew Isen, founder and president of WinMark Concepts, said the current moment differs from previous periods of anti-LGBTQ backlash because companies now believe there are tangible financial consequences for visible support.
“It’s 100 percent quantifiable and 100 percent relatable to the administration’s anti-trans and, more particularly, anti-DEI policies,” Isen said. “An administration that has threatened universities, law firms, corporations, and just about any entity that supports any iteration of DEI policies has had a profound effect on the behavior of these organizations.
“In the aftermath of the Bud Light situation, companies became very afraid to put their brands out there, and they continue to do so.”
He argues the roots of the current climate stretch back several years.
“Things have changed exponentially. What’s happened in the last two and a half years we’ve never seen before,” he continued. “This started several years ago with what I’ll call trans-bashing on the right, then the adoption of the word ‘woke’ as a pejorative. When you put those two together, there was an incendiary fire waiting to happen, and it happened with the Bud Light situation.”
National Pride leaders have reached similar conclusions.
“I think that’s why some of the corporations have pulled back, because they don’t want that government scrutiny,” Jordan Braxton, co-president of the United States Association of Prides, told NPR in May. “People sometimes look at Pride festivals just as a big party, which they are, but they’re also resource fairs, job fairs, and we also use it as a fundraising event.”
Advertising researcher E. Ciszek also told NPR the trend reveals something deeper about corporate support.
“It’s important to take a step back and see this more as a moment of risk, a moment of political pressure, and looking really at the limits of corporate allyship, particularly when LGBTQ visibility has become really politically costly.”
Corporate pullbacks
That pressure is increasingly visible in how corporations present themselves publicly.
Isen pointed to the ongoing Target boycott as one of the clearest examples.
“Target, which was a huge supporter of all things LGBTQ, began to pare back its visibility. The amount of Pride merchandise it carried went from roughly 3,500 products to about 500. Instead of putting those products at the front of stores, they moved them to the back.”
That continued to be scaled back as the most vocal and those in line with Trump were considered the ones to appease.
“Because of bomb threats and other concerns, Pride merchandise appeared in far fewer stores than it had previously.”
Yet retreating from LGBTQ visibility has not necessarily insulated companies from criticism.
In a letter to shareholders, investors wrote that “Target has repeatedly entangled itself in social controversy over the past several years, including its decision to pull back its Pride collection, the rollback of its DEI initiatives, and, most recently, its limited public response to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) activities at certain store locations.”
The letter concluded that those actions may have alienated “Black, Latino, LGBTQ+, and progressive consumer segments.”
Beyond individual companies, Pride organizers describe a much broader pullback.
“We’re now in a vacuum where Pride and its sponsors have been eviscerated by fear and backlash from consumers and by retribution from the current administration through its DEI policies,” Isen said.
That said, some major brands continue to support Pride, including Absolut, Marriott, Coca-Cola, and others.
Pride’s economic reality
For organizers, the consequences of this Pride pullback extend far beyond symbolism.
Pride celebrations require significant financial resources, and corporate sponsorships have traditionally provided much of that support. This is the same game with new rules.
“It takes a lot of money to do this,” Pittsburgh Pride Director Dena Stanley told NPR. “Permitting costs, security costs, headliners costs, staging costs, cleaning crew costs, insurance costs, all of these are expenses.”
Former Tampa Pride organizer Carrie West described how quickly the situation can become unsustainable.
“All of a sudden, bingo. Here you have no money, no grant money, no supporting money, to make operations, to plan, to get any kind of anything.”
San Francisco Pride Executive Director Suzanne Ford told The Wall Street Journal that replacing lost sponsors is extraordinarily difficult.
“It’s hard to replace a $150,000 sponsor with individual donations,” Ford said. “I’ve just got to find some new corporate sponsors out there…I’m cautiously optimistic.”
Allyship under pressure
The sponsorship decline has also reignited a longstanding debate about whether corporate support for LGBTQ communities represents genuine allyship or merely marketing.
Isen argues fear—not economics—is driving much of the retreat.
“The LGBTQ community is more economically viable than it ever was.”
“The community is as economically viable as it has always been, but unfortunately the corporate fear factor has outweighed the economic viability and importance of the LGBTQ consumer community.”
He believes the Bud Light controversy fundamentally altered corporate calculations.
“Boycotts have never worked in my entire professional history. On either side, straight or gay, boycotts do not work. Until now.”
“This is the first time a boycott has ever worked as a demonstrative opposition to a brand supporting LGBTQ consumers.”
At the same time, national data suggests corporate support has not disappeared entirely.
According to the Human Rights Campaign Foundation’s 2026 Corporate Equality Index, 71% of surveyed companies still sponsor LGBTQ-inclusive events or run LGBTQ-focused marketing campaigns, 81% provide financial or in-kind support to LGBTQ organizations, and 97% maintain LGBTQ employee resource groups or diversity councils.
Still, HRC President Kelley Robinson warned that many LGBTQ employees are feeling the effects of corporate hesitation.
“Our latest community survey shows LGBTQ+ employees—especially transgender and gender-expansive people—are experiencing increased bias and heightened anxiety about job security, career advancement, and physical safety at work. And in too many workplaces, the response has been silence, retreat, or ambiguity.”
The future of Pride
Despite the uncertainty, organizers insist Pride will continue regardless of what corporations decide.
Alexander emphasized that sponsors have never been the entirety of Pride.
“There’s a misconception about corporate sponsorships. Sponsors have typically provided the majority of our funding, but they still make up only about one-third of our participants. The other two-thirds are community groups, nonprofits, small businesses, and service organizations.”
He also believes organizations must adapt.
“Because nothing is certain, it’s important to diversify funding. It’s important to create programming and partnerships that make sense, whether that’s grant funding, individual support, grassroots support, or other avenues.”
Most importantly, he said, Pride’s purpose remains unchanged.
“Pride is a protest, but it is also a celebration. Being joyful, being happy, and being who you are is in itself a protest. If you show up to Pride and celebrate yourself, you’re sending the message that you’re not living in fear.”
And regardless of sponsorship totals, he said the movement itself belongs to the people who show up.
“We’re going to keep moving forward no matter what. There’s important work to do, important voices to be heard, people who need support, and communities that are marginalized. We’re going to find a way to move forward.”
“We are not Pride. Pride is the community. It is the people who show up and participate. We provide the platform and the amplification, but Pride belongs to the community.”
New York
N.Y. governor’s race presents stark contrast on LGBTQ rights
Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul expected to face Republican Bruce Blakeman
As states across the country grapple with a rapidly changing federal landscape under President Donald Trump, governors have increasingly become the first line of defense — or enforcement — on issues ranging from healthcare and education to LGBTQ rights.
Nowhere is that more apparent than in New York, Trump’s home state, where the 2026 gubernatorial race is shaping up as a high-profile battle over the future of LGBTQ protections.
Incumbent Democratic Gov. Kathy Hochul is seeking a second full term as New York’s 57th governor and the state’s first female governor. She enters the race with strong support from LGBTQ advocates and organizations, including an endorsement from the Stonewall Democrats of New York City. Earlier this year, Hochul was also endorsed by progressive leaders like New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani and U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. She is running alongside New York City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams as her lieutenant governor candidate.
Throughout her tenure, Hochul has signed a series of measures aimed at strengthening protections for LGBTQ New Yorkers, particularly transgender residents.
Among the most notable is New York’s “Trans Safe Haven Act,” which protects out-of-state trans youth, their parents, and medical providers who travel to New York to access legally protected gender-affirming care. Hochul has also signed legislation requiring health insurance plans to cover HIV prevention medications, including PrEP and Post-Exposure Prophylaxis (PEP), without out-of-pocket costs.
Additionally, Hochul signed a Long-Term Care Bill of Rights that prohibits discrimination against LGBTQ seniors and people living with HIV in long-term care facilities.
“As the birthplace of the LGBTQ+ rights movement, New York has long been at the forefront of advancing equality,” Hochul said in a statement during Pride month. “During Pride month, we celebrate New York’s vibrant LGBTQ+ community and acknowledge the importance of protecting the rights and freedoms of LGBTQ+ New Yorkers. This month and every month, we proudly stand with the LGBTQ+ community and remain committed to building a more inclusive and equitable future for all where everyone can live freely with dignity, safety, and respect.”
On the Republican side, Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman has emerged as the party’s leading candidate. Blakeman is running with Madison County Sheriff Todd Hood as his lieutenant governor pick.
Blakeman, Nassau County’s 10th county executive, was first elected in 2021 after defeating Democratic incumbent Laura Curran. He previously served as a commissioner of the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey, a Nassau County legislator, and a Hempstead town councilman.
A longtime supporter of Trump, Blakeman appeared alongside the president during a 2024 event honoring slain NYPD Officer Jonathan Diller.
LGBTQ advocates have frequently criticized Blakeman for his positions on trans issues, particularly his opposition to trans women participating in women’s sports.
In February 2024, Blakeman signed an executive order barring women’s sports teams that include trans women from using Nassau County athletic facilities. The policy applies to youth, collegiate, and professional teams. Teams that include trans men were not affected. The order has since been halted by the New York State Appellate Division swiftly issued an injunction halting enforcement while the plaintiffs appeal the decision
Ahead of announcing the order, Blakeman repeatedly referred to trans women as “biological males” and argued they should compete on men’s or co-ed teams. LGBTQ rights groups condemned the policy, saying it discriminates against trans athletes and contributes to the marginalization of trans youth.
Trump endorsed Blakeman’s gubernatorial campaign in December 2025, shortly after U.S. Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) announced she would not seek the Republican nomination. The president made his endorsement via Truth Social that “Bruce is MAGA all the way, and has been with me from the very beginning.”
The Washington Blade contacted Blakeman’s campaign seeking comment on his LGBTQ policy priorities and views on issues including nondiscrimination protections, trans rights, and healthcare access. The campaign did not respond.
The race highlights two sharply different approaches to LGBTQ policy in a state widely regarded as the birthplace of the modern LGBTQ rights movement, home to the 1969 Stonewall uprising that helped launch the contemporary movement for LGBTQ equality.
Despite the ideological contrast, early polling suggests Hochul remains the clear favorite. Most public surveys show the incumbent holding a double-digit advantage over her potential Republican challengers, with some polls placing her lead at roughly 20 percentage points ahead of the November election.
Illinois
Obama Center opens with tributes to marriage equality, LGBTQ progress
19.3 acre campus honors 44th president’s legacy
The Barack Obama Presidential Center held media previews on Thursday ahead of its official Juneteenth opening, marking the debut of the first presidential center dedicated to the 44th and only Black U.S. president.
The 19.3-acre campus, located on Chicago’s South Side within historic Jackson Park, features a museum, garden, basketball court, and a new branch of the Chicago Public Library.
Multiple artifacts related to the LGBTQ rights movement appear in the presidential museum’s collection, though none appeared to be on display at the time of publication, according to the center’s website.
Among the objects in the collection are the pen Obama used to sign the repeal of the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” policy that prohibited gay, lesbian, and bisexual individuals from serving openly in the military; a set of Harvey Milk commemorative stamps honoring the first openly gay elected official in San Francisco; and an Out2Enroll rainbow sweat wristband used to connect communities — specifically LGBTQ people and their families, friends, and allies — with health insurance coverage options available under the Affordable Care Act.
The artifacts reflect a broader LGBTQ legacy associated with the Obama presidency.
During the televised opening ceremony, former first lady Michelle Obama thanked her husband for “standing up for marriage equality.”
During his presidency, Obama took a number of actions affecting LGBTQ Americans, including repealing “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” signing the Matthew Shepard Hate Crimes Act, directing the Justice Department to stop defending the Defense of Marriage Act in court, expanding federal benefits and leave to same-sex domestic partners of federal and Foreign Service employees, broadening Affordable Care Act coverage for LGBTQ health issues, including HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment, and signing a 2014 executive order prohibiting federal contractors from discriminating based on sexual orientation or gender identity.
The opening event drew numerous celebrities, including Stevie Wonder, Christina Aguilera, Oprah Winfrey, and Tom Hanks.
It also attracted political figures from both sides of the aisle. One notable exception was President Donald Trump, who was not invited to the ceremony. All other living former presidents were invited and attended.
The Obama Presidential Center will open to the public on June 19, with tickets available on its website.
Florida
Intersex teacher alleges Fla. school fired him over perceived trans identity
Shepard Scalf filed a complaint with Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
An intersex teacher in Florida who was fired is alleging in a new Equal Employment Opportunity Commission filing that he was terminated based on assumptions that he was transgender.
Shepard Scalf in the filing says he was assigned female at birth but identifies as male.
According to Monday’s filing with the EEOC, submitted on Scalf’s behalf by the American Civil Liberties Union, the American Civil Liberties Union of Florida, and the law firm of Chanfrau & Chanfrau P.L., the school district fired Scalf on the basis of his sex and the presumption that he is trans.
Scalf was hired for the 2025-2026 school year at Patriot Oaks Academy in the St. Johns County School District to teach language arts to 6th- and 7th-graders, after previously working in another Florida school district.
During the hiring process, Scalf submitted paperwork that disclosed he had been assigned female at birth. He was born with an intersex variation with XY chromosomes, and he lives as and presents as a man.
On Aug. 28, 2025, Patriot Oaks Academy Principal Drew Chiodo scheduled an emergency meeting with Scalf. The principal was directed to read a letter from the school district superintendent informing Scalf that he must either submit his resignation or be fired.
According to the ACLU, Scalf was provided with no legitimate reason for his termination and had not received any prior warnings or disciplinary actions. At the time of his termination, Chiodo told Scalf his work was “exemplary” and that Scalf had “met every expectation.”
“Receiving this ultimatum was confusing and overwhelming. Everything had been going so well — I couldn’t understand why this was happening,” Scalf said. “The start of a school year is always brimming with promise and excitement, and I was looking forward to continuing my teaching career at Patriot Oaks until I was cornered into resigning. It became clear to me that being fired had nothing to do with my qualifications or teaching — it was about who I am.”
According to the filing, Scalf received communications that the termination followed complaints from a parent about his gender identity. However, the filing also claims that his gender identity, sex assigned at birth, and intersex status were never mentioned in his classroom.
In a 2020 ruling, the U.S. Supreme Court in Bostock v. Clayton County found employment discrimination on the basis of actual or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity is a violation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964.
The ACLU is claiming that under that ruling, Scalf’s rights under Title VII were violated.
“Six years ago, the Supreme Court held in Bostock v. Clayton County that employers cannot fire someone for being gay or transgender because doing so is discrimination because of sex,” said Shana Knizhnik, senior staff attorney with the ACLU’s LGBTQ & HIV Project, in a press release from the ACLU. “The same reasoning protects intersex people, who have long faced discrimination because their bodies and lives do not conform to narrow expectations about what a man or a woman is supposed to be. Mr. Scalf was an exemplary teacher, but despite his performance and qualifications, he was forced out of his job because he did not fit those expectations. As politicians and institutions increasingly seek to police sex and gender, intersex people are too often caught in the crossfire alongside transgender people — but federal civil rights law protects everyone from this kind of discrimination.”
Samantha Past, a staff attorney with the ACLU of Florida, stated in a press release that Florida’s public school system is increasingly hostile towards LGBTQ people.
“At a time when Florida’s public schools are increasingly targeted by disruptive state policies and in the midst of a teacher shortage crisis, St. Johns County School District chose to unlawfully oust a qualified and respected educator. Everyone deserves the opportunity to work and contribute to their community without fear of being targeted because of who they are. Mr. Scalf is no exception,” Past stated.
