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Romney edges Santorum to win Iowa caucuses

8 votes separate top two; Bachmann drops out

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Iowa Capitol Dome, gay news, gay politics DC

The Iowa Capitol dome.

DES MOINES, Iowa — In the closest outcome in the history of the Iowa caucuses, former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney edged former Sen. Rick Santorum by just eight votes Tuesday to win the first contest of the 2012 election.

With 100 percent of precincts reporting, Romney had 30,015 votes while Santorum had 30,007, according to Matt Strawn, chair of the Iowa Republican party. In terms of percentages, both Santorum and Romney claimed 24.5 percent of the vote.

The virtual dead heat in the Iowa caucuses, in which a record 122,255 Iowa Republicans participated, raises questions about whether Romney can attract support from the party’s conservative base.

On Monday, Romney reportedly crowed that he was going to win the Iowa caucuses by telling a crowd of supporters, “We’re going to win this thing.” A Romney spokesperson later downplayed the remarks and said the candidate was referring to winning the Republican nomination.

MORE IN THE BLADE: DNC CHAIR: SANTORUM ANTI-GAY ATTACKS ‘UN-AMERICAN’

Libertarian Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas), who had enjoyed a lead in the polls just two weeks before the caucuses took place, finished in third place with 21.5 percent of the vote.

Troy Price, executive director of One Iowa, a statewide LGBT group, said the virtual tie demonstrates that social conservatives were unable to dominate the caucuses despite their efforts.

“This extremely close outcome shows that in spite of the millions of dollars and constant campaigning on the backs of loving, committed gay and lesbian couples in Iowa, the attempt by social conservatives to dominate the caucuses simply didn’t work,” Price said. “Rather, this tie between Rick Santorum and Mitt Romney shows the deep divisions that exist between social conservatives who want to harm loving and committed couples, and fiscal conservatives who prioritize job creation and a smaller government.”

Jimmy LaSalvia, executive director of GOProud, a gay conservative group, congratulated Romney and Paul in a statement for placing in the top three slots — but notably left out any mention of Santorum, who’s known for holding anti-gay views.

“Tonight, we congratulate Governor Romney and Congressman Paul on their strong showings in the Iowa caucuses,” LaSalvia said. “It is clear that the message of economic renewal and limited government is resonating with Republican voters.”

LaSalvia commended Romney and Paul for offering plans that he said contrasted with the “big government approach” of President Obama without resorting to anti-gay rhetoric.

“While there are certainly big differences between Governor Romney and Congressman Paul, especially when it comes to foreign policy, both chose to emphasize issues like the economy and the size of government over demonizing gay people,” LaSalvia said. “We are pleased to see that so many Republicans in Iowa are focused on the issues that unite us as conservatives, instead of the side show issues.”

MORE IN THE BLADE: YOUNG, GAY IOWA GOP CAUCUS GOERS DISCUSS CANDIDATES

Brian Brown, president of the anti-gay National Organization for Marriage, praised both Santorum and Romney over “their photo-finish” because of the candidates’ opposition to same-sex marriage.

“It’s especially satisfying to see Senator Santorum, a longtime friend and champion for the family, come from behind to mount such a successful campaign,” Brown added.

Santorum and Romney were among the candidates that signed NOM’s pledge to oppose same-sex marriage by backing a Federal Marriage Amendment and defending the Defense of Marriage Act in court if elected president.

“The strong showing by both Santorum and Romney shows that supporting marriage is not only the right thing to do, it is the politically smart thing to do,” Brown said.

But Brown criticized Paul, who twice voted against the Federal Marriage Amendment and isn’t among the candidates who signed NOM’s pledge.

“This is a lesson that Ron Paul may be learning the hard way,” Brown said. “Paul suffered a big loss by finishing third in Iowa, a state he was expecting to win.”

Brown said ads NOM aired against the candidate in Iowa in addition to grassroots work “were a factor in Ron Paul’s poor showing.”

The results triggered the end of Rep. Michele Bachmann’s campaign. She won just 5 percent of the vote even though Iowa is her home state. Bachmann announced Wednesday she was leaving the race.

“I have decided to stand aside,” she told reporters in Des Moines on Wednesday morning.

MORE IN THE BLADE: LGBT REACTION TO BACHMANN’S IOWA EXIT

Former U.S. House Speaker Newt Gingrich and Texas Gov. Rick Perry, who also enjoyed the status of GOP presidential frontrunners, had less than optimal finishes. Gingrich took fourth in the caucuses with 13.2 percent of the vote and Perry came in fifth with 10.3 percent.

In a speech after the contest, Perry said he was going to scrap plans to campaign in South Carolina and return to Texas to determine whether a path to victory remains.

The strong showing for Santorum comes on the heels of comments he made that raised the eyebrows of LGBT advocates in an interview Tuesday with ABC News’ Jake Tapper.

The candidate said he opposes the 2003 U.S. Supreme Court ruling of Lawrence v. Texas, which struck down state sodomy laws throughout the country. He also said he opposes a court decision preventing states from prohibiting the sale of contraceptives.

Santorum said he personally would have voted against the state law in Texas prohibiting consensual sex between two males, but still thinks states should be able to pass such laws.

“I wouldn’t have voted for the Texas sodomy law, but that doesn’t mean the state doesn’t have the right to do that,” Santorum said. “I just didn’t think they should do it. We shouldn’t create constitutional rights when states do dumb things. We should let the people decide. If the states are doing dumb things, get rid of the legislature and replace them as opposed to creating constitutional laws that have consequences beyond the specific case that was before them.”

As Republicans in Iowa were deciding on the best candidate to represent them, Democrats also held caucuses throughout the state, even though President Obama was the only candidate on the ticket. More than 25,000 Iowa Democrats were estimated to have participated.

Obama delivered a message to supporters attending the caucuses via video and took a couple questions from attendees pledging their support to him. Among the accomplishments that he touted during the video was repeal of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.”

“Because of you, we’ve been able to end the policy of ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’ so that every American who want this country that they love can have that opportunity, regardless of who they love,” Obama said.

In a statement, Sue Dvorksy, chair of the Iowa Democratic Party, said the Democratic Iowa caucus was “a great opportunity to test our campaign organization and expand our volunteer base as we move toward November.”

“In a strong show of support, more than 7,500 Iowans tonight pledged to volunteer for the campaign over the course of the next year, underscoring their commitment to continuing the change the country has seen under President Obama’s leadership,” Dvorsky said.

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National

Madonna roundup: Reviews, sales, and love for ‘Danceteria’

Pop legend’s new album ‘Confessions II’ earning raves

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Madonna isn’t just back, she’s ubiquitous. 

From a Times Square takeover to Graham Norton’s couch, the pop legend is busy promoting her new album, “Confessions II,” a sequel to 2005’s “Confessions on a Dance Floor,” that is earning rave reviews.

“Madonna’s back in peak form with a fresh and honest dance record that’s not only her best in 20 years, but a genuinely vital addition to her canon,” says Pitchfork.

“Facing grief and loss has made Madonna’s music deeper than it’s been in 20 years, but also more alive,” the Guardian proclaims.

“If everyone in the club is a work of art, as ‘Danceteria’ says, then to live loudly is to make an indelible mark,” according to Vulture.

The album features upbeat dance productions along with some melancholic views on death and loss. On the song “Betrayal,” she reflects on the recent death of her stepmother Joan, singing, “You’ll never take my mother’s place … you betrayed me, you enslaved me.”

On “L.E.S. Girl,” she revisits her early days living on the Lower East Side and struggling to pay the rent. “Bizarre” seems to reference her failed 1980s marriage to actor Sean Penn. “Test” is a duet with daughter Lola Leon, in which she sings, “I wish I knew / The pain I’ve caused / My butterfly / Was always being watched.”

But the emotional high point of the album comes on “Fragile,” which she wrote about the death of her brother Christopher. The two were close early in Madonna’s career and he designed sets for early tours, including “Blonde Ambition.” But they had a falling out after her marriage to Guy Ritchie and he wrote a scathing tell-all book about his sister that led to years of estrangement. The two reconciled after Christopher’s cancer diagnosis and shortly before he died in 2024 at age 63. She sings, “Late last night I was fast asleep/You came to me in a dream/You said, ‘Don’t forget about me/Don’t forget to be happy.’”

Death emerges again but in a much more upbeat context in “Danceteria,” an ode to the iconic New York nightclub that has emerged as a gay favorite single and seems destined to be the song of the summer in queer nightlife. She recounts her pre-fame days trying to convince a DJ to play her first single “Everybody” at the club and name checks Jean-Michel Basquiat, Keith Haring, best friend Debi Mazar, and DJ Mark Kamins on the track. 

Streaming numbers and sales are strong for the new album with projected first week sales of 100,000 ensuring a No.1 debut in the U.S. 

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U.S. Federal Courts

Three overlooked court rulings limited White House anti-trans policies

Supreme Court narrowed trans rights, advocates saw victories in other decisions

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(Bigstock photo)

While the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in West Virginia v. B.P.J. continues to dominate headlines about transgender rights, three recent federal court cases produced significant rulings that limited or temporarily blocked Trump-Vance administration policies attacking trans Americans.

Talbott v. USA

Trump issued Executive Order 14183, “Prioritizing Military Excellence and Readiness,” on Jan. 27, 2025, banning trans people from serving in the military. The following day, GLAD Law and the National Center for LGBTQ Rights filed a federal lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia challenging the ban on behalf of six active-duty service members and two individuals seeking to enlist. The organizations argue the policy violates the Fifth Amendment’s guarantee of equal protection under the law.

The plaintiffs sought a nationwide preliminary injunction — a temporary block on enforcement of the executive order while the litigation continued. The district court granted that injunction and later rejected the Trump-Vance administration’s request to dissolve it, temporarily protecting trans service members from being discharged solely because of their gender identity.

That protection, however, was short-lived. In Shilling v. Trump, the Supreme Court stayed the lower court’s injunction, allowing the military to begin enforcing the trans service ban while litigation continued. The U.S. Air Force subsequently required trans service members facing involuntary separation proceedings to appear in uniforms and grooming standards corresponding to their sex assigned at birth and, in some cases, used their deadnames during those proceedings.

Despite that setback, the plaintiffs secured two significant legal victories during Pride month.

On June 1, a federal appeals court blocked the discharge of the trans service members involved in Talbott. Then, on June 30, a federal district court certified the case as a class action on behalf of all currently serving trans service members. That means future rulings in the case will apply not only to the original six plaintiffs but to all active-duty trans military personnel covered by the class.

The case remains ongoing, but class certification significantly strengthens the ability to protect trans service members as the litigation continues. Currently, there are 28 plaintiffs in total, including the two still attempting to enlist.

Z.A. v. Blanche

In Z.A. v. Blanche (formerly Z.A. v. Lucile Salter Packard Children’s Hospital at Stanford), the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California issued an emergency order one day before a federal grand jury subpoena was set to be enforced on July 2. The order blocked the Department of Justice from obtaining confidential medical records belonging to California families whose children receive gender-affirming care.

The ruling relied in part on protections established under the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), the 1996 federal law governing the privacy and security of medical records.

The decision represented a significant check on the administration’s efforts to obtain sensitive patient information, protecting the privacy of trans patients and their families while the legal challenge proceeds.

Doe v. Blanche

Doe v. Blanche, which remains ongoing, challenges Trump’s executive order, Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government. Under policies implementing that order, many trans women in federal custody would be housed in men’s prisons.

A federal district court in D.C. granted a preliminary injunction blocking enforcement of a Bureau of Prisons policy that would require incarcerated trans women to be housed in men’s facilities regardless of individualized safety assessments or the risk of sexual assault.

The Bureau of Prisons policy also conflicts with the goals of the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA), enacted by Congress in 2003 to address sexual abuse in correctional facilities through standards, research, funding, and prevention measures. Federal data has consistently shown that trans people in custody experience sexual assault at dramatically higher rates than the general prison population.

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Commentary

When a church fears the rainbow

Puerto Rico pastor objected to Pride symbols outside congregation

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(Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

There are moments when an incident stops being merely a local story and begins to reveal something much deeper. What happened on June 28 outside One Church, in Comerío, Puerto Rico, belongs in that category.

I do not know who painted the rainbow colors on the asphalt and on a roadside guardrail. I do not know what motivated them, and it is not my place to justify their actions. If someone believes a law was broken, there are authorities and legal mechanisms to address that. That is not the point of this reflection.

The point is the words that followed.

Hours after those colors appeared, Pastor Jorge J. Santiago Reyes went live on social media. He said he felt threatened. He described what happened as a physical attack against his church. He appeared angry and disappointed. He called those who painted the rainbow “cowards” and “charlatans.” He expressed frustration with the support that, according to him, the municipal government of Comerío has shown toward the LGBTQ community, and with those who support posts related to that community. He repeated several times that the people responsible had “crossed the line.” He ended his message by saying, “These charlatans have to be stopped.”

As I listened to his words, I stopped thinking about the paint.

I began thinking about fear.

There is one phrase the pastor repeated again and again: “They crossed the line.” Yet he never explained what that line was. If he was referring to a possible violation of the law, that is for the authorities to determine. If he meant respect for property, there are also procedures to deal with that. But when that line remains undefined and the message begins to associate a rainbow with a threat, the question changes. It is no longer only about a guardrail or a road. It becomes a question about what boundary, in the pastor’s view, was actually crossed.

Paint can be erased.

A brush can cover the asphalt and return a guardrail to its original color.

What does not disappear so easily is the meaning of those colors.

And perhaps that is where the real conflict begins.

It is significant that this happened precisely on June 28, the day when the LGBTQ community remembers a history marked by exclusion, violence, and the struggle for dignity. What represents memory, hope, and the possibility of living without hiding for millions of people was presented by others as a threat.

I do not know why someone painted that rainbow. I do not need to know in order to ask whether those were the words society should expect from a pastor.

A religious leader may feel hurt, frustrated, or angry. What he cannot forget is the responsibility that comes with every public expression. His words do not end when a livestream ends. They move beyond the space of his church, reach people who may never share his faith, and help shape the way others see those who think differently. When a pastor calls other people “charlatans” and “cowards,” says they “have to be stopped,” and turns a rainbow into evidence of an attack, he is no longer speaking only from frustration. He begins to build a discourse that can feed rejection toward a community far larger than the people responsible for that act.

There was another moment in the livestream that caught my attention. The pastor reminded viewers how much he has served Comerío, how much he has accompanied his community, and how much he has worked for it. I have no reason to question that service. I am sure many people can testify to the good he has done.

That is precisely why it was difficult to hear.

Pastoral vocation is not about reminding a town of everything one has done for it when conflict appears. Service does not lose its value when it goes unrecognized; it loses something when it becomes an argument to claim a moral position from which to speak down to others. A person who serves does so because that is the nature of the calling, not because that service grants authority to discredit those who think differently.

As a pastor, that part of the message left me deeply uneasy. Not because I expect ministers of God to be perfect. We are not. But because our words carry weight, we are called to speak with greater responsibility. Some expressions build bridges. Others raise walls. Some words invite encounter. Others end up justifying rejection.

The paint will disappear. A brush will be enough to cover the asphalt and return the guardrail to its original color.

The words will not disappear as easily.

They will remain recorded in a video, shared again and again on social media, and remembered by those who heard them. They will remain long after the last trace of paint has been erased.

When this episode is remembered, it probably will not be because of the rainbow that appeared outside One Church, in Comerío, Puerto Rico.

It will be because of the words a pastor chose to use when speaking about it.

And that difference changes everything.

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