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How to talk to gay Republicans

Sorry, but they’re just not that into us

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(Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Last week, at where I’m guessing was the banquet room of an airport Holiday Inn, the Republican Party passed the most anti-gay platform in its history. The GOP doubled down on practically everything gay out there. Gay marriage? Still hating on it. Conversion therapy? Still rooting for it. Trans people using the bathroom? Not on their watch.

So, with it clearer than ever that the Grand Old Party just wants absolutely nothing to do with us, how do we go about breaking the news to the gay Republicans out there that, essentially, he’s just not that into you? And how do you even go about talking to gay Republicans about their politics?

I put it out there on social media. One reader wondered, “How can you have a meaningful conversation with the bathroom stall in the way?” Another said simply when it comes to approaching gay Republicans, “just don’t.” I even advocated going in with a soft, but direct approach, such as “what’s your f#^ing problem?” Nevertheless, I grabbed my gay Republican friend Michael and sat down for a chat. He’s from South Carolina. If gay Republicans were a state, it would be that one, with its charm, grace and seersucker realness.

My only real question for him was how do you pretend to be part of a party that wants nothing to do with you? Essentially, is tax policy so important to you that you will put up with people that actually think you are going to hell?

Michael, like so many other gay Republicans, aren’t quite ready to abandon ship. He sees a party in desperate need of rebuilding and rebranding and after the sure-to-be-shellacking ahead this November, that moment may come sooner rather than later. He reminded me that politics is indeed a game of addition, but the modern GOP, with harsh and hateful tones on everything from immigration to social issues, has only been playing a political game of subtraction. That game simply cannot sustain itself and another presidential loss this November, making this six out of the last seven in the loss column, would certainly trigger a regrouping.

We can hope.

Other gay GOP friends talked about how they feel stuck with a label that means something very different now than it meant even just a few years ago. A friend currently on the Hill tells me he feels like he made a bad bet 10 years ago, wagering that gay marriage would win, and the party would come around, among other wishful thoughts. He reminded me that he has real reasons for being a conservative and that being raised that way is just one of them. He could certainly come around, if only the party was willing to.

History tells us that it’s always dangerous to surround yourself only with those that agree with you (see: fraternities, the Third Reich). Gay Republicans exhibit a certain admirable willingness to sit in the same room with the Mike Huckabees and James Dobsons of the party, challenging them on their views and providing some, albeit small, counterbalance to their vitriolic anti-gay discourse. I did admire the lesbian delegate to the GOP national convention, D.C.’s Rachel Hoff, when she openly challenged her colleagues to start a “thoughtful conversation” on gay marriage. With tears in her eyes, Hoff explained that, “we’re your daughters, your sons, your neighbors, colleagues, and the couples you sit next to you in church.”

No matter how small, stances such as those take tremendous courage, or as my South Carolina friend put it, “balls as big as church bells.”

Watching the convention unfold this week, there is a noticeable absence of party elders. Instead of past presidents and noteworthy statesmen, we’re being treated to has-been soap stars and former underwear models. This illustrates more than anything the apparent rift in a party that may be approaching its rock-bottom moment. And while we are quick to acknowledge the hypocrisy of gay republicanism given current social stances of the GOP, we should all hope they have a loud and strong voice at the table. As a community, we are well served if their voice can help center the party as it rebuilds.

Again, we can hope. So how do you talk to gay Republicans? Maybe at this point, start with, “hang in there.”

Brock Thompson is a D.C.-based writer. He writes regularly for the Blade.

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Trump declares war on universal human rights

Conservatives in Africa have applauded anti-LGBTQ US policies

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President Donald Trump</strong (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the United Nations, protects and promotes the inclusion of vulnerable and marginalized groups by recognizing that all people are born free and equal. It guarantees rights without discrimination based on, but not limited to, sex, gender, or any other social status. It was adopted by states at a global level immediately after the horrors of World War II, to ensure such atrocities and the events that led up to it do not occur again. The UDHR ensures everyone’s right to live safe, free from discrimination, hate and violence and to be treated with dignity under the law.  

The United States, indicating that it would be withdrawing from the UN, puts a question mark on human rights protection. The continuous protection and priority of democratic and constitutional human rights is under threat. As we have witnessed, the US is one of the largest contributors to the UN’s budget, and its withdrawal places global human rights protections in question, especially with regard to access to health services. Will this move give power and rise to human rights violations? What will be the long-term impact on grassroots community movements? Are vulnerable and marginalized groups safe?

Over the past few weeks, the world has witnessed a disturbing shift in leadership, one that not only rolls back protections for everyone, including vulnerable and marginalized groups, but also has the potential to fuel hate, spread misinformation, disinformation, division, and violence. Donald Trump’s return to power has been marked by an alarming series of executive orders targeting immigrants, migrants, LGBTIQ+ people and women all under the guise of “realigning American values.”  

Erasing identities

Trump’s position on gender diversity has found eager supporters, including many in Africa who advocate for a rigid, binary definition of gender. His Jan. 20, 2025, executive order, “Defending Women from Gender Ideology and Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government,” was nothing short of an attack on transgender people and all persons who choose to live in a manner where they are not defined and boxed in by their attributed gender. This order spreads disinformation by claiming that gender identity is false and deceitful, legitimizing hate speech. By insinuating that gender diversity is a threat it creates an environment where transphobia will likely thrive without any consequences. With one stroke of the pen, Trump reinforced conservative, exclusionary gender norms and gave legitimacy to those who seek to erase transgender identities.

The consequences of this executive order are slowly being felt far beyond the US. 

In Nigeria, conservative leaders have hailed Trump’s decision as validation of their own laws, which according to reports, already criminalize same-sex sexual activity between men and between women, and gender expression for transgender persons. A 2024 report by Nigerian advocacy group, the Initiative for Equal Rights, highlighted that LGBTIQ+ people already face regular discrimination and violence. These executive orders are likely to result in a rise of hate crimes towards gender-diverse persons. Framing gender identity as a “dangerous ideology,” Trump is not only spreading disinformation but also legitimizing hate speech and possibly creating a global ripple effect that threatens the safety and dignity of transgender and gender-diverse people. 

Xenophobia in full swing

Transgender people are not the only ones under attack. Immigrants and migrants are also targeted as Trump endlessly signed his executive orders. One of his over 80 executive orders is the realigning of the US refugee admissions program, which frames migrants and refugees as threats to national security, thereby potentially reinforcing dangerous xenophobic rhetoric. Trump has long pushed the false narrative that migrants are a burden on resources, a danger to public safety, and a threat to the so-called “true American identity.” This rhetoric does more than just close borders. It dehumanizes refugees, fuels violence against migrants, which directly goes against the essence of the human rights protection mechanisms such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families, which protects the rights and dignity of migrants.  

Misogyny over human rights, right?

Trump’s disregard for women’s rights is nothing new. 

A 2018 article in the Guardian reported how Donald Trump’s attitudes and policies have undermined women’s rights through derogatory remarks, sexual misconduct allegations, and policy rollbacks. The reinstatement of the Global Gag Rule, and its cuts in funding for health services, is likely to disrupt essential sexual and reproductive health services of many women around the world. It will leave women who are already on the margins of exclusion, further exposed to human rights violations such forced pregnancies due to denial of safe abortion and contraceptive services. 

An Afrobarometer report from December 2023 revealed that gender-based violence remains a top concern in Africa, with 14 percent of respondents stating that violence against women and girls is “very common” in their communities. Trump’s policies and rhetoric only serve to exacerbate these realities, reinforcing harmful stereotypes, restricting bodily autonomy, and undermining decades of progress in advancing women’s rights. The leader of the free world’s rhetoric and actions reinforces systems that discriminate against women and disregards the protection of all women. 

Bradley Fortuin is a consultant at the Southern Africa Litigation Center and a social justice activist. This article was first published in Modern Ghana and Botswana Gazette.

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This is fascism, not child protection

Hungarian government is trying to ban public Budapest Pride march

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The Hungarian parliament in Budapest, Hungary, on April 4, 2024. The government's efforts to ban public Pride marches and other peaceful demonstrations amount to fascism. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

Pride is not just a protest. Pride is a movement.

The Hungarian government is trying to restrict peaceful protests with a critical voice by targeting a minority. Therefore, as a movement, we will fight for the freedom of all Hungarians to protest!

Hungarians are a freedom-loving nation. We know that if the government tries to ban protests with critical voices, they will face resistance from the whole of society. That is why we need a scapegoat, a distraction, another wave of hatred. A little bedbuging. They lie to their voters about a child protection measure, but there is no child protection in this bill.

Just two days after the anniversary of the Hungarian revolution and war of independence of 1848, many people were outraged by the hypocrisy of the government’s attempt to strip us of our hard-won freedoms. The slogan of the 1848 revolution against the Austrian Empire was “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” defying oppression and censorship. When Pride organizers and participants stand up for their own freedoms, they are standing up for the rights of all Hungarians. It is a new level of fascism when only those who support those in power are allowed to march in the streets of a country. 

If the government tries to restrict the right of citizens to demonstrate peacefully by means of made-up rules, it will be that any demonstration can be banned for any fictitious reason. We will not allow future generations to grow up in such a country. We are at home, we will be here, and we will work to make Hungary a freer country.

The LGBTQ community has been a target of attacks from the ruling parties for years. If attempts are made to ban demonstrations for the rights of the LGBTQ community, there is no guarantee that peaceful demonstrations by groups that the governing parties call the enemy, “the bedbugs,” will not be banned, on the false grounds of child protection.

As members of the LGBTQ community, it is part of our lives from childhood that we have to defend ourselves, that we have to fight for acceptance and equal rights. Even though those in power try to dehumanize us, we LGBTQ people are all human beings who want freedom, safety and equal rights. The pride march is one of the most visible parts of this struggle, but equally as important is the resistance we wage every day to lead a free, authentic and happy life in our own country.

It would never occur to a democratic leader to restrict the fundamental rights of those who disagree with them. Elected representatives should not work for their own self-interest, but for all citizens.

We are asking Viktor Orbán’s government: How will they guarantee that all Hungarian citizens, including LGBTQ people, can live and protest freely? If they cannot guarantee this, it is an admission of their own incompetence.

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Alan Simpson: Republican from another country

93-year-old conservative rode with us when no one else would

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Sen. Alan Simpson (R-Wyo.) (Washington Blade file photo by Michael Key)

The senator from Wyoming was authenticity itself — a Western force coming at you like a bobcat with a crooked smile. Indeed, the name of his ranch outside of Cody is the “Bobcat.” It was at the Bobcat near Yellowstone Park, where my friend Sen. Alan K. Simpson (1931-2025) did some of his best thinking about history, politics, and how people live and fight.  

When he came to Washington, Al Simpson was steeped in this uniquely Western Bobcat Ranch heritage — from his grandfather, who represented W.F. “Buffalo Bill” Cody and prosecuted Butch Cassidy to his mother, a founder of the Buffalo Bill Historical Center that today displays paintings by Thomas Moran and Annie Oakley’s rifles. He was an old-school live-and-let-live conservative Republican, but one with a Western twist — one part sneer, one part laugh-out-loud funny. It was that twist, I believe, that made him unique.

Sen. Simpson stood with his friend Congressman Barney Frank in 1998 on the Capitol steps at the candlelight vigil after the murder of Matthew Shepard in Laramie. Shaken by the barbarity of what happened, Simpson denounced Shepard’s killing as an “ugly, ugly butchering.  The people of my state and the University of Wyoming want you to know this is not who we are.” Then came a wave of boos and the heckling of Al as a Republican from Wyoming. He told me he never forgot that booing and resolved to continue fighting with us for our equality in the years to come. On this, he was good to his word.

A Houston gay community effort challenged and appealed the sodomy charge of John Lawrence and Tyron Garner in Texas. We believed our organization, a gay-straight alliance, the Republican Unity Coalition (RUC) had a role to play. Alan Simpson stepped forward to serve as our chairman, signing our amicus brief in support of Lawrence and Garner to strike down the Texas sodomy law. He then reached out to his friend “Jerry Ford” (former President Gerald Ford) to join our effort. Ford did so becoming the first and only president to join an LGBTQ advocacy group. In 2003, on the day the Supreme Court heard oral arguments on the Lawrence case, Al wrote in an op-ed published by the Wall Street Journal, “Homosexuality should be a non-issue for the GOP… sodomy laws are contrary to American values protecting personal liberty and opposing discrimination.” Al was thrilled when the Court voted 6-3 in favor of Lawrence ending the criminalization of homosexuality. 

When Al came out in support of same-sex marriage in Massachusetts, the Rev. Fred Phelps (“God Hates Fags”) denounced Al as a “senile old fag lover.” Al responded with grace and hilarity in the style of one of his heroes, cowboy humorist Will Rogers. “Dear Rev. Phelps, I just want to alert you to the fact that some dizzy son of a bitch is sending out mailings and emails using your name! I know you are a god fearing, Christian person filled to the brim with forbearance, tolerance and love…and this other goofy homophobe nut must be something opposite.” Al did not pull back from his support for same-sex marriage. He opposed President George W. Bush on his proposal to amend the Constitution to ban same-sex marriage. Al wrote in the Washington Post, “Several Senate members want to create more anguish by pushing a proposal to amend the Constitution … but a federal marriage amendment would do nothing to strengthen families, just the opposite.”

For the rest of his long life, Al remained supportive of the LGBTQ community and our families. We disbanded the old Republican Unity Coalition, a delusion we once shared to make “homosexuality a non-issue for the Republican Party.” There are no more Alan Simpson Republicans. They are from another country. I happily left the party and married my “pard” as they call partners in Cody. We were married with a reception in Washington, made all the brighter with Al’s attendance and his wife Ann’s blessings. Later, they gave our son his first stuffie. 

Alan Simpson’s many obituaries and tributes briefly mention his support of “gay rights” without elaboration. We should all pause to reflect on just how far this 93-year-old Republican rode with us when no one else would.


Charles Francis, president of the Mattachine Society of Washington, D.C., served for 10 years as a Trustee of the Buffalo Bill Center of the West in Cody, Wyo.

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