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Harris campaign ramps up LGBTQ engagement as Election Day nears

Rep. Garcia and LGBTQ Engagement Director Alleman outline plans

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U.S. Rep. Robert Garcia (D-Calif.) attends an Out for Harris event in Phoenix, Ariz. on Monday. (Photo via Robert Garcia/X)

Vice President Kamala Harris has eked out a narrow lead in the latest polls, but slim margins in seven key battleground states are still likely to decide the outcome of the election, which experts say will be the closest America has had in decades, if not more than a century.

And LGBTQ voters, who comprise a larger share of the electorate than ever before, are expected to play a major role in November.

The Washington Blade discussed what lies ahead for the Harris team, particularly with respect to LGBTQ constituent engagement, in separate interviews last week with one of the campaign’s gay co-chairs, U.S. Rep. Robert Garcia (D-Calif.), and its national LGBTQ+ engagement director, Sam Alleman.

Criss-crossing the country

With just over a month until Election Day, the Harris-Walz team is in overdrive enlisting key surrogates and staff to fan out across the U.S. With a focus, of course, on Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.

“We’ve got to make sure we compete everywhere,” Garcia said. “So wherever I can be, I’ll be.”

The congressman headlined an event with the LGBTQ community in Phoenix on Monday night for Out for Harris, the campaign’s LGBTQ-focused national organizing effort. Queer voters are “always engaging and always asking questions,” he said, eager to discuss “their future and their rights and how dangerous Donald Trump would be for them.”

Garcia said the “best part” about his involvement with the Harris campaign has been traveling the country to connect with these folks. “I actually took 100 local activists from Long Beach, from my community, out to Nevada, with two busses a couple weeks ago, which was great,” he said, “just to go door knocking.”

Up next for the congressman is another trip to Nevada and then to Pennsylvania, he said.

“We’re aiming to have Out for Harris working groups and committees in all 50 states to do this work of mobilizing voters in this critical election to elect Kamala Harris and Tim Walz and defeat Donald Trump and J.D. Vance,” Alleman said.

“We’ve had in-person phone banks in New York, D.C., and California,” while “we have New Jersey and Washington State and Massachusetts hosting in-person events,” he said, explaining that by hitting even places that might “not be part of our pathway to victory,” the campaign is building out the infrastructure to help reach “voters in battleground states and be that surge capacity.”

Additionally, “I can’t say too much just yet, but we’re really, really excited for what we’re planning for Pride in Philadelphia, Phoenix Pride, Las Vegas Pride, Atlanta Pride” — all taking place, Alleman said, in mid-October, by which time voting will have already begun in most of those cities.

“Pride is fun,” and the campaign’s presence in places where the community gathers to celebrate is an exemplification of the “joy” that has become a defining feature of the campaign since Harris was tapped to lead the Democratic ticket on July 21, Alleman said.

Voters have concerns. The campaign wants them to see the contrast.

In his conversations with voters, Garcia said, Project 2025, the 900+ page governing blueprint for a second Trump term, is often top of mind, notwithstanding the former president’s efforts to “skirt or dodge” the extreme plans detailed in the document.

“It’s clear that this is the Donald Trump agenda. I think everyone knows that, and we’re going to continue to hammer home that it’s also very bad for LGBTQ+ people,” he said, noting that Project 2025 contains “all sort of horrible things,” including plans to roll back and revoke rights like LGBTQ-inclusive workplace protections while advancing policies like “book bans [that target] our community in schools.”

More broadly, Garcia said, “there’s no question that Donald Trump is bad for gay people. I mean, look at the Supreme Court…just on the courts alone, how could you argue any differently?”

One could look at everything from Trump’s “positions on trans issues,” to “his authoritarian nature” and his opposition to the Equality Act for evidence that his election would be harmful to the LGBTQ community, Garcia said. “I mean, I could go on and on.”

Alleman echoed those remarks and added that Harris and Walz, by contrast, have fought to expand rights and protections for LGBTQ people throughout their careers, standing up for the community well before doing so was popular or politically advantageous. “Standing with us when it wasn’t necessarily very easy to do,” he said, “speaks volumes to our community, but it also just speaks volumes to their values and to their leadership.”

“In every reality, under almost every other issue that you could talk about, right, Kamala Harris and Tim Walz are fighting for LGBTQ people’s totality of their lives, when it comes to their ability to access healthcare, when it comes to their ability to work with dignity and make a living wage and work in an economy that works for them, rather than big corporations,” he said. “Those are the issues that LGBTQ+ people also care about the most, in addition to their freedoms and the things that are identity or community driven.”

Likewise, Garcia said voters’ concerns about the judiciary extend beyond LGBTQ rights and into issues of reproductive freedom, because they understand that the former president appointed three right-wing justices to the Supreme Court, which led to the 2022 decision scrapping Roe v. Wade’s constitutional protections for abortion. “There’s a lot of conversation about abortion rights,” he said. “I think people understand that that’s where Donald Trump plans to take the country even further into restrictions — so, people are pushing back on that.”

“Vice President Harris has made Roe one of the central pieces of her campaign, because there’s still a lot of folks out there that are just tuning in, that might, you know, have gotten a lot of their information from places like Fox [News] or, you know, misinformation on Facebook or social media,” Garcia said.

“It’s important to get the facts out there,” he added, “to get people out there talking to their neighbors, going door to door — I mean, all of that matters.”

It may not be sexy…

First and foremost, Alleman said, Out for Harris is implementing a robust “national, distributed organizing program [that’s] really oriented around voter contact via phone calls,” which is on track — conservatively — “to do approximately 1.2 million calls before Election Day.”

Alleman added that “the work around these community calls” also involves “taking those calls and turning them to actual organizing that supports their battleground states.” And while “it’s not very sexy,” he stressed that these efforts are “low thrills, high value in terms of talking to voters” because “we are truly committed to getting as many people on the phone that we can across the country, especially in the battleground states, between now and Nov. 5.”

By Oct. 12, he said Out for Harris will have phone banking events every day, “and it’ll be like community-based; Monday is Broadway night, Tuesday is trans folks for Harris, Wednesday is LGBTQ+ women for Harris, Thursday and Saturday are catch-all for [the Human Rights Campaign],” and Friday is yet to-be-determined. (Volunteers can sign up to participate or learn more about the program at kamalaharris.com/out.)

Alleman shared that during a recent Out for Harris Broadway-themed call, “we had like, 3,000 people in attendance. And I want to say there were like 500 or 600 people trying to phone bank with us, and they have their first canvassing trip into Pennsylvania,” which illustrates how the program is working within the campaign to ensure “that these calls are translating into organizing.”

Acknowledging that the relationship between LGBTQ rights and organized religion is complicated, Alleman said that Out for Harris plans to administer trainings and lead an organizing call for faith leaders who have created safe spaces for LGBTQ people or otherwise been supportive of the community, such that the campaign can “make sure we’re leveraging their congregations to get them involved.”

Getting creative

Along with organizing in-person events, joining Pride celebrations, administering phone banks, and working with high-profile surrogates like Garcia to help boost the campaign’s message in the battlegrounds, Alleman highlighted upcoming moves like Out for Harris’s plans to partner with Democratic National Committee to provide toolkits to drag performers.

The goal, he said, is to provide materials and guidance “so they can do this work on their own, at their shows” such as by displaying QR codes for fans to get involved and providing instructions for how they can register to vote.

To contend with the challenge of navigating a “fragmented media market,” Alleman said, the Harris campaign is focused on “relationships and messaging in all the senses and ways.” This means, for instance, maintaining a strong social media game, dispatching folks to do “the relational organizing on the ground,” and “finding the nontraditional messengers” — like drag queens and faith leaders — while also “hitting everyone where we can” with earned media coverage and paid advertising.

Alleman also noted Harris’s appearance on “RuPaul’s Drag Race” for the “All-Stars” finale in June, another example of how the campaign has been creative and strategic with outreach to LGBTQ voters and allies.

Leveraging Harris’s advantage with LGBTQ voters

Alleman stressed that the Harris campaign does not take support from LGBTQ voters for granted. “We have to work to earn these voters’ votes, too. And I think the program we are building is so indicative of that, and it’s truly our goal beyond just LGBTQ+ rights — we’re communicating with voters, LGBTQ+ voters, and equality voters about the full range of our platform and what we’re doing, because we firmly believe it will benefit them. Extraordinarily.”

Often, Alleman said, “we divorce LGBTQ+ experiences and people as if they don’t have the same experiences and desires as everyone else” but the Harris campaign is “making sure that we’re saying where we stand on the LGBTQ+ issues but [also] making sure that we’re not losing sight of the totality of the voter we’re communicating to.”

“LGBTQ+ people are more likely to suffer from housing insecurity, more likely to suffer from food insecurity, more likely to be in poverty, more likely to be homeless as teenagers,” he said, “and all of the work that we’ve done in the inflation Reduction Act and in this administration, and all the things that Kamala Harris has said that she’s going to do [if elected] have direct impacts on the LGBTQ+ community and our ability to live full, authentic lives.”

This means “not just to be out as LGBTQ, which is critically important, but [also] having a government that fully cares for everything that goes into what being an LGBTQ plus person is,” Alleman said.

“The majority of us are voting already for Harris,” Garcia said. “That’s great. But what about our friends and family? Like, can we have those conversations with friends that might be on the fence, or maybe we have family that are independent or are not sure who to vote for — those are the conversations that we need to have [to] explain to our family how electing someone like Donald Trump could actually be very damaging, hurtful, and cause real harm to us.”

“LGBTQ people have a role to play, not only in voting, but in telling our stories and talking to people that have yet to make up their mind on how they’re going to vote,” he said. “People that we know.”

Alleman, likewise, acknowledged that “LGBTQ+ people overwhelmingly support Democratic candidates and overwhelmingly support Kamala Harris,” adding that part of the campaign’s work and his work as LGBTQ+ engagement director is to “capture that energy” and “bring them into our campaign and our movement.”

The Harris campaign has earned the support of every major LGBTQ advocacy group, and in turn has focused on “creating buy-in for” the “state and local partner organizations” along with “our national partners” such that they “feel like this is a place where they can invest their time that is meaningful, to make a difference in their work,” Alleman said.

“We are seeing the Human Rights Campaign make historic investments and cooperate with us, [working] hand in glove with our campaign,” he said.

Alleman noted the campaign’s endorsements from groups like the Center for Black Equity through its c4 Political Action Fund (a first for the organization, which started and runs Black Prides throughout the U.S.), LPAC, the political action committee supporting LGBTQ women and nonbinary candidates (which had not backed a presidential ticket prior to this year), and the National LGBTQ+ Task Force Action Fund, which had not otherwise endorsed a presidential candidate in the last 50 years.

Not only does the support of these groups signal that they understand “what’s at stake” in this election, but also their recognition of the “vehicles and access points where they can see themselves and their people in the work that we’re doing as a campaign and as a party,” Alleman said.

“Empowering the partner organizations that do this work within those subsets of LGBTQ+ communities,” he said, allows the campaign to target and engage with the voter who “comes from one of those different backgrounds or walks of life” in an intersectional manner that acknowledges how “there are LGBTQ voters across every other identity that we do this work in.”

The Trump campaign has taken a different approach to engaging with LGBTQ voters

In April, former first lady Melania Trump headlined a fundraiser for Log Cabin Republicans, the conservative LGBT group, at Mar-a-Lago. And more recently, on Sept. 29, the organization hosted a concert in Nashville by musician Kid Rock that also featured Donald Trump Jr., former Fox News host Kimberly Guilfoyle, and Ric Grenell, the gay diplomat who served as acting director of national intelligence, U.S. ambassador to Germany, and special presidential envoy for Serbia and Kosovo peace negotiations during the Trump administration.

Otherwise and apart from “flashy media things to contact us and reach us” without meaningful follow-through, “I haven’t seen any intentional effort” by the Trump campaign to engage with LGBTQ voters, Alleman said. “I haven’t seen anything on the ground. And I just think it’s so fascinating and interesting that [they claim to] want to do these things, and yet their actions just show how little they care about us as a voting bloc.”

In an emailed statement, Log Cabin Republicans President Charles Moran noted that “As has been widely reported, the RNC and Trump campaign are decentralizing their outreach efforts to involve organizations and groups doing the work to increase efficiency and energize the grassroots, and LGBT voter base is no different.”

“We are one of the fastest growing voting blocs in this country,” Alleman said. “As the data bears out, about eight percent of people identify as LGBTQ+” which equates to “somewhere between 20 and 25 percent of people [aged] 18 to 25” — a group of voters whose support, therefore, one might expect both campaigns to aggressively court.

On “the lack of any real intentional outreach,” by the opponent’s campaign, which may strengthen Harris’s edge with LGBTQ voters, Alleman said, “you know, I’m not mad about it.”

Moran detailed some of his organization’s work on LGBTQ voter outreach and mobilization on behalf of the Trump campaign during this election cycle: “Log Cabin Republicans, the nation’s oldest and largest organization LGBT Republicans, conservatives and our straight allies, is leading the charge on this effort for 2024,” he said, stressing that this comes independently from the “work being done by our nearly 80 chapters in 40 states around the country.”

Last week, he said, LCR announced that the group had “pulled in the leadership of the ‘gays for Kennedy’ folks to build out the outreach to Independents and disaffected Democrats.”

“For months, we’ve been building our messaging and ground team,” Moran said. “On the communications side, we have Outspoken, our long-running digital messaging campaign running at full intensity putting out original content, fact-checking Democratic and media lies, and engaging our voters in the digital realm.”

He continued, “On the ground, we have 9 state-based field directors in the targeted swing-states organizing and coordinating with our chapters and campaigns and party committees on the ground. This team has over 250 events already executed or on the books through Election Day. Finally, we have 9 Trump Unity rallies, our broader campaign coalition name, in swing states. These are full-production events with hundreds of people at each, with high-profile surrogates for each. The first one is actually a week from now in Philadelphia.”

“Democrats want to pretend like nothing is going on, but this couldn’t be further from the truth,” Moran added. “This year, we have the most inclusive GOP platform that welcomes LGBT voters to the table, because we all have an equal stake in the future and prosperity of the nation. Log Cabin Republicans is prepared to take the mantle and run the most comprehensive campaign we ever have.”

Garcia, who agreed with Alleman that the Trump campaign is “not interested” in reaching out to LGBTQ constituents, had an even more pointed take: “I think their base hates them,” he said. “I mean, you see the homophobia.”

From “the attacks on trans people,” to “the attacks on gay history” and “the attacks on gay rights in the workplace,” the congressman said, “there’s nothing to connect with” for LGBTQ constituents.

Homing in on conservative LGBTQ voters who might be inclined to support Trump, Garcia suggested there are not very many of them — apart from “some loud personalities out there” and “a lot of those quote, unquote, Log Cabin Republicans,” who “I think are, you know, more interested in holding power in some cases than helping our own community.”

The congressman added, “I don’t know why they’d be reaching out to gay conservatives when there’s nothing to offer them,” because “what are they going to talk about?” He suggested that maybe some right-leaning LGBTQ folks “are excited about tax cuts for billionaires.” 

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The White House

From red carpet to chaos: A first-person narrative of the WHCD shooting

The Blade’s WH correspondent Joe Reberkenny recounts his night at the WHCD after a shooter attempted to gain entry.

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The International Ballroom at the Washington Hilton during the WHCD. (Washington Blade photo by Joe Reberkenny)

It started as any White House Correspondents’ Dinner is supposed to go—I assume. I’ve never been to one before this, but based on other events I’ve attended at the Hilton, including an HRC gala, it all seemed fairly normal.

There was a lot of traffic. Police had blocked off streets encompassing a large portion of Adams Morgan—particularly around the hotel. The president was making his first appearance after boycotting the event during his first term, so there was a sense of anticipation. It took me about 45 minutes to go just under a mile from my apartment to about three blocks from the hotel in my Uber. I waited until the last possible second before I felt like I was going to be late—6:30—to get out of the car, because it was raining and I was wearing my green tux.

I walked up to a group of people checking tickets at the base of the hotel. They seemed to just be glancing at the tiny, index-card-sized tickets rather than conducting any kind of full security screening outside. As I walked from that first checkpoint to the drive-around drop-off area, I joined what was essentially one long line for the red carpet. It eventually split into people who wanted photos and those who didn’t—but again, there was no real need to show anything beyond that small ticket upon entering, and even that wasn’t being checked closely.

 A light went off in my head; I felt that, given the speed at which security was checking tickets, they couldn’t fully see the foil logo and tiny table numbers from that distance. I remember thinking that if I had a similarly sized piece of paper, I could have gotten through up to that point.

I also noticed there was no real security checkpoint or metal detectors upon initially entering the hotel grounds—unlike what I had seen at the HRC gala the year before.

I waited about 35 minutes in line in the car drop-off area—without cars, since it had been repurposed to corral press and their guests before entering the building and heading onto the red carpet. I took my photo, then went up the escalator to meet my date, Jacob Bernard from Democracy Forward. They wouldn’t let him onto the red carpet without his ticket, so I gave him his, which I had been holding. He was already inside the venue despite not having his ticket on him and had been at one of the pre-parties. 

That also struck me as odd—that you could access a pre-dinner party without a ticket or going through any visible security.

After I found him, we took a photo together at a step-and-repeat past the main red carpet area around 7:45. Oddly enough, a group of my friends—gays who I regularly see on the dance floors of the gay bars of Washington, who work in various government and media-adjacent fields—found me, and we took pictures together. None were White House correspondents or held a “hard pass” to the White House (security credentials that allow entry into the White House complex).

 Another light went off in my head that indicated party crashers probably shouldn’t be getting inside to an event that is supposed to be one of the most secure rooms in the country.

After the photos, I could see groups of people being moved from pre-party spaces in various meeting rooms on other floors and directed toward the main floor where the red carpet had been.

My guest and I went back up to the main floor and walked through a small security checkpoint that included only a handful of metal detectors. From there, I went down the stairs from the lobby into the International Ballroom, where we took our seats at Table 200. I talked to a few people I knew—very traditional pre-event chit-chat. The vibes felt good. It was my first time attending, and I was genuinely excited.

Around 8:15, the Marine Corps Band played and “Commandant’s Four” color guard presented the flags. We were then told to take our seats. 

They introduced the head table—the president, first lady, vice president, and members of the White House Correspondents’ Association board. Weijia Jiang, senior White House correspondent for CBS News and president of the WHCA, gave a brief speech, essentially saying we would eat first and then move into the main program, which was supposed to feature mentalist Oz Pearlman.

At this point my table, 200 which included members of the Wall Street Journal, the Blade, and a European outlet all started eating. About 15 minutes later, Washington Hilton staff began clearing plates and preparing to bring out the next course.

As they cleared the plates, I heard four loud bangs.

I saw hotel employees immediately start ducking. They seemed to understand the gravity of the situation much faster than most attendees, including myself. At first, it sounded like a tray might have fallen over (but I later found out that wasn’t the case).

After about 30 seconds of watching some people duck, others look around in confusion, and some continue eating and drinking, I got down. I kneeled with my chair in front of me as a kind of barrier. Being at Table 200, I felt somewhat removed from where the actual incident occurred.

Then I saw the president being whisked away quickly by Secret Service, along with the first lady and others at the head table.

My reporter instincts kicked in. I grabbed my phone and started filming. I saw SWAT team members rush into the ballroom and onto the stage, clearing the area. I captured a video of people looking around, confused about what had just happened.

A few minutes later, the room was told by the WHCA president to hold on—that they would provide more information and guidance on what would happen next. There was some indication that they might try to continue the event despite what had occurred.

Everyone started frantically checking X to see if any major outlets were reporting. I was receiving texts from family, friends, and colleagues about the rapidly unfolding situation.

I walked to the bathroom—twice, technically. I couldn’t find it initially because it was hidden behind black curtains. (Later, those curtains were removed, and the men’s room was in clearer view.)

During the first walk to the bathroom, I called my editor to tell him what was happening. He instructed me to start sending copy to another editor, who would get it online. The ballroom had almost no service—it’s in the basement of a 12-story hotel—so it was a challenge. I utilized SMS fallback (since iMessage wasn’t working) to send updates.

I returned to the table, where people were still hovering—calling editors, scrolling, texting, sending photos and copy. I was already drafting my story and sending it in chunks, adding details as I gathered more information.

I walked my guest toward the bathroom again, which was on the opposite side of the ballroom from our table, so I had to cross what felt like a sea of journalists, PR officials, guests, and others on their phones, talking and scrolling. My guest pointed out that the press pool was being held in an alcove away from the ballroom doors and escalator exit—not in the ballroom with everyone else.

“Alive” by the Bee Gees was playing over the speakers in the bathroom, which felt a little too on the nose.

On my way out, I heard someone speaking over a microphone and rushed to the ballroom entrance. WHCA President Weijia Jiang was speaking. She announced that the event was over and the space was being evacuated.

She also said that President Trump would hold a press conference at the White House in about 25 minutes.

That’s when I knew it was a race against the clock.

I called my editor a second time to update him and asked if I should head to the briefing (knowing the answer would be yes). He confirmed.

Then the crowd began to move. People grabbed purses, bottles—some left belongings behind. Even though it was technically becoming a crime scene, no one was actively forcing us out. It felt more like a collective understanding: It was time to go.

I texted my guest: “OK, I have to go to the White House. I’m so sorry to leave you.”

I made my way with the sea of people toward the one exit we were allowed to use and zipped between women in fancy gowns and men looking like penguins.

I put on my hard press pass, opened the Capital Bikeshare app, reserved the closest e-bike, and headed out. 

I walked up Columbia Road to 20th and Wyoming, grabbed the bike, and rode down Wyoming, then 18th, cut over to U Street, and went straight down 16th to the White House. That ride was exhilarating. I also filmed an Instagram Reel updating my followers on what was going on. I could see tourists and D.C. residents alike looking at me from their cars and the sidewalk, obviously confused as to why a man dressed in a tux had hopped on a bike.

I got off the bike where 16th Street meets Lafayette Square and darted toward the first White House security checkpoint, where they were verifying press credentials. Luckily, I had mine. After that, it turned into a mad dash. Everyone who made it through started moving quickly.

The sound of heels on what I think was cobblestone—or maybe brick—sticks with me. My own shoes were clacking as I ran toward the White House alongside other journalists in heels and dress shoes.

At the Secret Service checkpoint, there was a separate line for hard pass holders. Having my hard pass let me skip much of the impeccably dressed line of journalists who didn’t think to bring their hard pass with them.

It was probably the most exquisitely dressed press crowd I’ve ever seen—tuxedos, gowns, full makeup. It felt like something out of “The Hunger Games.”

I went through security, put my belongings through the metal detector, entered my code, grabbed my things, and ran to the briefing room.

(Washington Blade photo by Joe Reberkenny)

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The White House

Grindr to host first-ever White House Correspondents’ Dinner party

App’s head of global government affairs a long-time GOP-aligned lobbyist

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Gay dating and hookup app Grindr will host its first-ever White House Correspondents’ Weekend party on April 24.

The event is scheduled for the night before the White House Correspondents’ Dinner, an annual gathering meant to celebrate the First Amendment, honor journalism, and raise money for scholarships.

The White House Correspondents’ Dinner is organized by the White House Correspondents’ Association, a group of journalists who regularly cover the president and the administration.

An invitation obtained by the Washington Blade’s Joe Reberkenny and Michael K. Lavers reads:

“We’d be thrilled to have you join us at Grindr’s inaugural White House Correspondents’ Dinner Weekend Party, a Friday evening gathering to bring together policymakers, journalists, and LGBTQ community leaders as we toast the First Amendment.”

The Blade requested an interview with Joe Hack, Grindr’s head of global government affairs, but was unable to reach him via phone or Zoom. He did, however, provide a statement shared with other outlets, offering limited explanation for why the company decided 2026 was the year for the app to host this event.

“Grindr represents a global community with real stakes in Washington. The issues being debated here — HIV funding, digital privacy, LGBTQ+ human rights — are daily life for our community. Nobody does connections like Grindr, and WHCD weekend is the most iconic place in the country to make them. We figured it was time to host.”

Hack said the company has been “well received” by lawmakers in both parties and has found “common ground” on issues such as HIV funding and keeping minors off the app. He credited longstanding relationships in Washington and what he described as Grindr’s “respectful” approach to lobbying.

Hack, a longtime Republican-aligned lobbyist, previously worked for several GOP lawmakers, including U.S. Sens. Deb Fischer (R-Neb.), Jon Kyl (R-Ariz.), George Voinovich (R-Ohio), Bill Frist (R-Tenn.), and U.S. Rep. Randy Forbes (R-Va.).

According to congressional disclosure forms compiled by OpenSecrets, Grindr spent $1.3 million on lobbying in 2025— more than Tinder and Hinge’s parent company Match Group.

“This is going to be elevated Grindr,” Hack told TheWrap when describing the invite-only party that has already generated buzz on social media. “This isn’t going to be a bunch of shirtless men walking around. This is going to be very elevated, elegant, but still us.”

He also pointed to the company’s work on HIV-related initiatives, including efforts to maintain federal funding for healthcare partners that distribute HIV self-testing kits through the app.

The event comes at a particularly notable moment for an LGBTQ-focused connection platform to enter the Washington social circuit at a high-profile political weekend, as LGBTQ rights remain under constant attack from conservative lawmakers, particularly around transgender healthcare, sports participation, and public accommodations.

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2026 Midterm Elections

HRC endorses Va. ballot initiative to redraw congressional districts

Referendum to take place April 21

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HRC President Kelley Robinson speaks at the People's State of the Union on the National Mall on Feb. 24, 2026. (Photo by Andrei Nasonov)

The Human Rights Campaign, the nation’s largest LGBTQ civil rights organization, has endorsed a Virginia ballot initiative that would allow the state to redraw its congressional districts this year, ahead of the 2030 Census.

Currently, Virginia’s Redistricting Commission — a legislative body made up of eight legislators and eight citizens, evenly split between Republicans and Democrats — is responsible for redrawing congressional districts every 10 years following the Census. The proposed amendment would temporarily shift that authority to the Virginia General Assembly through 2030, before returning it to the commission in 2031.

Supporters say the push for the amendment comes in response to anti-democratic moves by several Republican-led state legislatures following demands from President Donald Trump, which have resulted in newly gerrymandered congressional maps that advocates argue disenfranchise pro-equality voters.

Under the proposed map in Virginia, Democrats could gain as many as four of the five seats currently held by Republicans in this fall’s midterm elections, when control of the narrowly divided House is up for grabs.

Six states — including Texas, Missouri, and North Carolina on the GOP side — enacted new maps last year at Trump’s behest. The most significant Democratic counter-effort so far has come from California.

HRC President Kelley Robinson issued a statement backing the measure, encouraging Virginia voters who support democracy to vote “yes,” saying it would ensure “the will of the people is heard.”

“Voters should choose their leaders, not the other way around. But anti-equality lawmakers around the country, in service to Donald Trump’s assaults on democracy, are trying to undermine our elections and engineer their preferred outcome in the midterms,” Robinson said. “The American people are ready to take Congress back from the anti-equality, anti-freedom politicians that have been abusing their power to hurt all our communities and bend government to the will of a wannabe king.”

U.S. Rep. Don Beyer, who represents Virginia’s 8th Congressional District that encompasses much of Washington’s suburbs, including Alexandria, Arlington, Falls Church, and parts of eastern Fairfax County — has also voiced support for the measure. He has called Trump’s attempts to influence elections ahead of the November midterms a “betrayal of our democracy,” emphasizing that while the fight is ongoing, this effort is a step toward correcting the situation.

“It’s not a done deal by any means,” Beyer said in an op-ed for the Cardinal News. “We have to effectively make the case that even though this seems unfair in Virginia, it’s totally fair for America, for those of us who believe that taking back the House is the most significant thing we can do to stop Donald Trump.”

Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger is another staunch supporter of the amendment, arguing that it would, through bipartisan means, help counterbalance Trump’s efforts in what remains an uphill battle.

“As early voting begins tomorrow on Virginia’s redistricting amendment, voters should know that Virginia’s approach is different. It is temporary, directly responsive to what other states decide to do, and — most importantly — it preserves Virginia’s bipartisan redistricting process for the future,” the first female governor of the state said in a statement. “I supported the formation of Virginia’s bipartisan redistricting commission in 2020, and that support has not changed. What has changed is what we’re seeing in states across the country — and a president who says he is ‘entitled’ to more Republican seats before this year’s midterm elections.”

“Virginians have the opportunity to take action in response to this extraordinary moment in history,” she added. “That’s why, as a Virginia voter, I’m voting in favor of this amendment.”

Virginians for Fair Elections, the group responsible for marketing the initiative, has raised nearly $50 million dollars, according to the Virginia Public Access Project, a nonpartisan organization focusing on sharing public documents related to financial matters of the state. The ads notably feature former President Barack Obama, who supports the measure and has hailed it as a way to “level the playing field.”

In a recent Politico article, a person close to the White House, granted anonymity, suggested the outlook for Trump’s governing majority is weakening — particularly following the unraveling of the Iran war — underscoring why the administration is pushing Republican-led states to maximize their advantage ahead of the midterms.

“This war in Iran almost cements the fact that we lose the midterms in November — the Senate and House,” the person said.

According to The Economist, Trump holds a 37 percent approval rating, with 56 percent of respondents disapproving of his handling of the presidency.

This is not the first time Virginia has held a special election for a statewide ballot initiative. Most recently, in 1956, voters approved a measure that led to the use of public funds to provide tuition grants for students attending nonsectarian private schools.

Early voting is already underway in the Old Dominion, with Election Day set for April 21.

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