Opinions
Killings reveal link between homophobia, anti-Arab racism
West Bank apartheid makes anti-Palestinian violence forgivable

Shira Banki, a 16-year-old girl who was stabbed during a Jerusalem Pride march, succumbed to her injuries on Aug. 2, 2015. (Photo courtesy of Jerusalem Open House)
The recent attack on the gay pride march in Jerusalem that left one dead and five others injured has led to a great deal of soul searching in Israel about the challenges facing the LGBT community in a country often lauded for being progressive on sexuality issues.
Anger in Israel has focused both on the lack of police preparation for a possible attack as well as the climate of growing Jewish religious extremism in which it occurred.
Shira Banki, 16, was stabbed to death on July 30 with a butcher’s knife by a Jewish religious extremist named Yishai Shlissel who considered the holding of a gay Pride in Jerusalem repugnant to God and against Jewish religious law. Shlissel charged the march and stabbed at random, hoping to kill and maim as many as possible.
Shockingly, Shlissel had been released only days before from prison. The crime? He attacked the same gay Pride march with a butcher knife 10 years before, stabbing three participants that time.
Although Jerusalem has always been a religious city, in recent years ultra-Orthodox Jewish groups have been given increasingly free reign in deciding how the lives of citizens will be run.
As in all of Israel, public transportation shuts on the Jewish Sabbath, but increasingly in West Jerusalem private businesses that open on Saturday are pressured to close and ultra-Orthodox demonstrators frequently target those that do not, even shutting down roads in order to prevent others from driving.
In religious neighborhoods, advertisements featuring women are torn down by ultra-Orthodox youth who also organize modesty patrols targeting women’s dress, and in some areas public buses and sidewalks are informally and formally gender segregated. Secular Jewish citizens often complain they are being squeezed out, and it is not hard to see why.
But to explain Banki’s killing by focusing on ultra-Orthodox Jews enforcing religious codes on secular Jews tells only a part of the story, and does little to account for the violent tactics used, a rarity in inter-Jewish disputes.
It is more instructive to look at the kind of violent religious Jewish extremism that has become all too common in Israeli society in recent decades: anti-Palestinian racism.
Hours after Banki was stabbed, Jewish extremists firebombed a Palestinian home in the West Bank village of Douma, killing a Palestinian child named Ali Dawabsha and leaving the rest of the members of his family with severe burns.
The attack was not an isolated incident – since the beginning of the year, Palestinian authorities say Jewish settler radicals have carried out nearly 370 attacks on Palestinian civilians, and nearly two-dozen Palestinian churches and mosques have been targeted. The United Nations recorded 2,100 settler attacks against Palestinians between 2006 and 2014, leaving 10 dead and 17,000 injured.
Israeli human rights organizations say that nearly 99 percent of Israeli investigations into these incidents are dropped without any convictions, while the few sentences that are given to Jewish radicals are extremely lenient. For comparison, 99.74 percent of Palestinians arrested for any kind of security-related offense by Israeli authorities are found guilty and sentenced, regardless of the evidence in a specific case.
But the Israeli state is not just indifferent to such racist terror; Israeli authorities themselves have encouraged such violence by referring to Palestinians as “savages” and using dehumanizing language to justify their deaths.
Israel’s current deputy-defense minister, Eli Ben-Dahan, has previously claimed that Palestinians “are beasts, they are not human,” while justice minister Ayelet Sheked has argued that the “the entire Palestinian people is the enemy.”
The backdrop of this culture of racist incitement is Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip since 1967, where millions of Palestinians are kept under military rule while the 500,000 Israelis living in settlements built on land confiscated from Palestinians enjoy the full benefits of Israeli civil law. Shlissel, the gay pride attacker, himself lived in Modiin, an Israeli ultra-Orthodox settlement in the West Bank.
The system of apartheid in the West Bank, combined with the system of two-tier citizenship inside Israel itself — where the majority of Palestinians once lived until being forced out and forbidden from returning in 1948 — has made anti-Arab racism normative and anti-Palestinian violence forgivable.
It is no wonder that the killing of more than 2,200 Palestinians in Gaza – more than 62 families bombed in their homes — by the Israeli military was met with more than 90% approval by the Jewish Israeli public (i.e. excluding the 20% of Israelis who are Arab), who even urged the government to go even further.
By permitting Jewish settler terror against Palestinians to go unchecked, the Israeli government has encouraged a culture of impunity for Jewish nationalist and religious violence.
While the majority of this venom has been directed at Palestinians, the potent mix of racist nationalism and religious extremism that Israel’s settler movement embodies is a threat to all of those who fail to adhere to it.
Less than a few hundred meters from the site in West Jerusalem where Shira Banki was stabbed, a group called Lehava holds weekly rallies. The group’s main goal is to prevent Arabs from being allowed to mix with Jews, and a primary target are Jewish girls who date Arab men, even holding protests at marriages to ensure Arab blood not “taint” the Jewish gene pool.
Hatred of “the other” has gone unchecked for so long in Israeli society that the weekly rallies hardly draw attention. Nor do the regular attacks on Palestinian passersby in the area that too often follow.
But the group’s goal is not only preventing racial miscegenation; it is also about ensuring heterosexuality in order to preserve what they deem the Jewish race. The same day the stabbings took place, members were protesting the gay Pride march, and a Lehava leader even compared “being homosexual” to “robbing a bank” and argued that the LGBT community harmed the “Jewish nation.”
It is no wonder that in such a climate, where difference is vilified and violence in the name of nation and religion is encouraged by the powers that be, the LGBT community has ended up being a target as well.
The killing of Shira Banki, a young teenager expressing her solidarity with the queer community, is intrinsically related to the killing of Ali Dawabsheh.
These two deaths – which were immediately followed by the killings of two Palestinians protesting Dawabsheh’s death by the Israeli military – highlight the fact that homophobia cannot be separated from racism, and that violence against national “others” will inevitably lead to violence against internal others.
A state built on racist exclusion can hardly be a safe space for queers – Israeli or Palestinian – or anyone else.
Perpetuating the idea that Israel is somehow a gay paradise, in line with a government-sponsored campaign to promote the country’s gay-friendly image and cover up its violence against Palestinians, only hurts Israeli queers in the long run, as it obscures the fact that nationalist, religious, and homophobic terror and violence are all intrinsically connected.
By supporting pinkwashing efforts, queers around the world risk embracing Israel’s racist policies against Palestinians and its encouragement of terror and hatred against the state’s perceived others. Sadly, the deaths of Shira Banki and Ali Dawabsheh demonstrate this all too clearly.
Alex Shams is a journalist based in the West Bank and a doctoral student of anthropology at the University of Chicago.
There is no question that Jesse Louis Jackson, Sr. had a significant impact on the civil rights movement, Democratic Party politics and D.C.’s struggle for statehood. After I heard of his death, I took some time to reflect on how our lives had intersected although I met him only once in person.
During the 1970s, sickle cell disease was a celebrated cause in the African-American community. Rev. Jackson was in the vanguard of that advocacy because he had the sickle cell trait. My mother had sickle cell disease and I have the trait. I responded to Rev. Jackson’s exhortation to be involved with fighting the disease and was blessed to have worked for seven years at the Howard University Center for Sickle Disease in its community outreach program.
In 1983, the March on Washington for Jobs, Peace & Freedom was held to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the 1963 March on Washington. Local organizing committees called Coalitions of Conscience were formed to get people involved with the march. I attended the first meeting in D.C. and introduced a resolution that the 20th anniversary program held on the National Mall include a speaker representing the LGBT community. The resolution passed unanimously but the response from the chief organizer of the march, Rev. Walter Fauntroy, was that no such speaker would be permitted. Fauntroy was also the District of Columbia delegate to Congress. Three days before the march, four gay men – all D.C. residents, three of whom were Black – went to meet with Del. Fauntroy to discuss his opposition to having a LGBT speaker on the day of the march. He refused to meet with them and had them arrested. I was one of those arrested.
Our arrests made local and national news. While we were in jail, a conference call was held consisting of representatives of most of the major national civil rights leaders in the nation to discuss having an LGBT speaker at the march. Among those on that call were Coretta Scott King, Ralph Abernathy, Mayor Marion Barry, Dorothy Height; Reverends Joseph Lowery, Walter Fauntroy and Jesse Jackson. The decision was made to give three minutes to a speaker representing the LGBT community. The speaker was Audre Lorde, the African-American lesbian writer, poet, professor and civil rights activist. Jesse Jackson’s presence on that call was critical to her being chosen as a speaker.
In 1984, I was a volunteer in the Jesse Jackson for president campaign in his quest for the Democratic Party nomination. I, along with dozens of volunteers, boarded the bus that left from Union Temple Baptist Church to journey to Alabama to campaign for Rev. Jackson in that state’s primary. My involvement with Jackson’s D.C. campaign led me to visit the Players Lounge for the first time in order to get signatures for Jackson’s D.C. presidential delegate slate and to do voter registration.
Jackson did not win the Democratic presidential nomination in either his 1984 or 1988 campaigns. But his efforts along with Congresswoman Shirley Chisolm’s and Rev. Al Sharpton’s presidential campaigns paved the way for Barack Obama’s historic nomination and victory for president in 2008.
In 1990, Jesse Jackson was elected to be one of D.C.’s United States Senators or what is known as a “shadow senator.” He made it clear that D.C.’s struggle for statehood is not just a political issue but a salient civil and human rights issue. His involvement helped make D.C. statehood a national issue.
I cannot remember the exact year that I finally met Jesse Jackson in person but it was around the turn of the millennium. There was an event taking place in the Panorama Room at Our Lady of Perpetual Help Roman Catholic Church. Rev. Jackson was standing alone on the hill taking in the breathtaking view of D.C. I walked over, introduced myself and thanked him for what he had done for the D.C. statehood, LGBT rights, and the Democratic Party. Even though he was a major celebrity he gave me a hug as if we were longtime friends. It was a brief conversation but we both agreed to keep praying for a cure for sickle cell disease. That hope is still being kept alive.
Philip Pannell is a longtime Ward 8 community activist. Reach him at [email protected].
When we’re out with friends, we ask a question that sometimes surprises people: Are you on PrEP?
PrEP is a medication that reduces the risk of getting HIV by about 99 percent when taken as prescribed. We’re both on it. And we both talk about it openly because too many people in our communities still haven’t heard of it, can’t access it, or have been made to feel like asking for it says something about who they are.
It doesn’t. Taking PrEP is about taking control of your health. It’s that simple.
But getting there wasn’t simple for either of us. Our paths to PrEP looked different.
Del. Martinez learned this firsthand. When he asked his primary care doctor about PrEP, the response wasn’t medical — it was judgment. Instead of a prescription, he got a lecture. He had to leave Maryland entirely and go to Whitman-Walker in D.C. just to get basic preventive care. He serves on the Health Committee and sits on the public health subcommittee. Even he couldn’t access HIV prevention in his own state. That reality was soul-crushing, not just for him, but because he immediately thought about every person in his community who doesn’t have the resources to find another way.
Phillip came to PrEP through his work at FreeState Justice, where he was learning about HIV transmission rates and the gap in PrEP access for queer people of color. Black Marylanders account for 65 percent of new HIV diagnoses but only about 35 percent of PrEP users. Latino Marylanders account for nearly 19 percent of new diagnoses but fewer than 8 percent of PrEP users.
Seeing those numbers, he had to ask himself why he wasn’t on it. When he walked into Chase Brexton’s HIV Prevention clinic in Baltimore, the experience was easy and affirming, exactly what it should be for everyone. No judgment, just care. That’s the kind of experience every Marylander deserves.
A proposed bill would make it the standard in Maryland. HB 1114 would let people walk into their neighborhood pharmacy and access PrEP without waiting months for a doctor’s appointment, remove insurance barriers that slow things down, and connect them to ongoing care.
Our stories are not unusual. When we talk to friends about PrEP — and we do, regularly — we hear the same things. People who didn’t know about it. People who tried and gave up. People who assumed it wasn’t for them. People who couldn’t afford it or couldn’t find a provider. There’s still misinformation out there, and there’s still stigma. Among women in Maryland, most new HIV diagnoses come from heterosexual contact, but PrEP is still rarely part of the conversation from their doctors.
When we talk to our friends about PrEP, we lead with honesty. Here’s what it does, here’s what it costs, here’s where to go. We talk about the different options: daily pills or long-acting shots. Generic options are available, and in many cases, free. If you’re sexually active, it might be right for you. It’s not a morality question. It’s a health question.
We try to make it feel approachable, because it should be. We answer every question, because sometimes we’re the first person someone has had this conversation with. It’s a conversation between people who trust each other. And it works, but it can only go so far when the system itself is still in the way.
We have the medical tools to virtually end new HIV transmissions. What we need now are the policies to make sure everyone can reach them. At a time when the future of federal HIV prevention programs is under attack, Maryland has both the opportunity and the responsibility to lead.
We’re asking our friends to take charge of their health. We’re asking Maryland to make it possible.
If PrEP sounds right for you, talk to your provider. If you know someone who could benefit, share what you know. And if you want to see Maryland get this right, tell your legislators to support HB 1114.
State Del. Ashanti Martinez represents District 22 in Prince George’s County in the Maryland House of Delegates, where he serves as Majority Whip and sits on the Health Committee. Phillip Westry is the executive director of FreeState Justice, Maryland’s statewide LGBTQ+ advocacy organization.
Opinions
A dream: Democrats focus on candidates who can win
Defeating every Republican has to be the goal in 2026, 2028
I know this is just a dream, but I am a dreamer and continue to hope Democrats can get beyond Black or white, gay or straight, man or woman; to look at who can win in 2026, and then in 2028. It’s often said each election is the most consequential in our lifetime. The next two actually are.
The reality is without change; we face losing our democracy. We have a racist, sexist, homophobic, lying felon, in the White House. He has a Cabinet of vile incompetents, and a cadre of fascist advisers, controlling our government. They threaten our freedoms, and even our health. They think the military is theirs to use at will, without restrictions. Again, my dream for elections in 2026 and 2028, is we put our personal desires aside, for the good of the nation.
Everyone is being hurt by Trump. Black women being fired in huge numbers. Transgender people literally having their lives threatened. The LGBTQ community facing new threats. Civil rights are being undermined, and the Latino community across the country is targeted. Women are losing the right to control their bodies. Our voting rights are being threatened, and all this is happening with the consent of the Republican sycophants in Congress who are either in complete agreement with the felon, or threatened into submission by him, and his fascist cohorts. This is what we are facing in the next two election cycles as we try to take back our country. As the opposition party, we must first take back Congress in 2026. If we succeed, we must replicate that success as we work to reclaim the White House in 2028.
I believe we must all be represented in our elected officials. For years I felt comfortable looking at the equality issue in choosing a candidate, as even in the worst-case scenarios, when losing meant the election of the likes of a Richard Nixon or Ronald Reagan, I never believed my country’s existence was threatened. They, and others like them, may have been vile, but none professed wanting to be king. They didn’t go to court seeking full immunity for anything they did and getting it from judges they appointed.
I am a proud gay man but will not automatically vote for an LGBTQ candidate in the next elections. In 2024, I worked hard, and proudly, to see two strong Black women elected to the United States Senate. In the 2008 primary I was proud to stand with Hillary Clinton, then support Barack Obama when he won the nomination. In 2016, I again stood with Hillary. In 2020, I proudly supported Kamala Harris as vice president and then supported her for president in 2024.
Today, I am looking at the next two election cycles differently. I have written the only way to win back my country is to look at which Democrat can win in a particular race. I will support a Democrat committed to voting for the Democratic leadership in the House and the Senate, and in their state legislature, even if they don’t support fully everything I want. Because when Democrats win the leadership, they set the agenda. The Democratic platform has been about the same for many years. It stands for equality in every area. Have we accomplished all we stand for, clearly NO. Have we made progress, clearly YES.
In these upcoming elections each Democrat may win their race with a different set of issues at the forefront. I have suggested in the morning they go to the diners in their district, and in the evening to the bars, to find out what people are talking about, and concerned about. Then respond to that by running on those issues. If there is a primary, demand each candidate pledge to fully support the winner. Think about what is said about Democrats and Republicans, “Democrats fall in love; Republicans fall in line.” Well in the next two election cycles, Democrats need to fall in line with every Democrat on the ballot in the general election willing to say, “if elected I will vote for, and support, the Democratic leadership.”
If we don’t commit to doing that in the next two election cycles, we may actually not have future elections. It is the only way we can stop the felon, and his fascist government, from winning. Defeating every Republican in 2026 and 2028, has to be the goal for all who care about our country, and moving on to the next 250 years. Not winning is not an option.
Peter Rosenstein is a longtime LGBTQ rights and Democratic Party activist.
-
The White House4 days agoTrump will refuse to sign voting bill without anti-trans provisions
-
District of Columbia4 days agoOwner of D.C. gay bar Green Lantern John Colameco dies at 79
-
Photos4 days agoPHOTOS: ‘Defrosted’
-
Ukraine4 days agoUkrainian Supreme Court recognizes same-sex couple as a family
