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Will new GOP support ensure ‘Don’t Ask’ repeal?

Brown, Murkowski, Snowe announce support

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Opponents of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” are increasingly confident they have the 60 votes needed in the Senate to repeal the military’s gay ban in the wake of announcements from three Republican senators pledging to back stand-alone legislation to end the 1993 law.

On Thursday, Sens. Scott Brown (R-Mass.), Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Olympia Snowe (R-Maine) said in separate statements that they would support standalone legislation pending before the Senate to end “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” now that the chamber has resolved the extension of the Bush-era tax cuts.

The three lawmakers had previously announced they support “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” repeal, but hadn’t yet endorsed any specific legislation to achieve that goal. Earlier this month, they voted against the motion to proceed on major defense budget legislation containing language to repeal the military’s gay ban.

John Gentzel, a Snowe spokesperson, confirmed in a statement to the Blade that Snowe would support the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” repeal bill — provided certain legislation clears the Senate first.

Asked via e-mail whether Snowe would vote in favor of the repeal bill, Gentzel replied, “Yes, assuming it comes to the floor after the Senate deals with taxes and the [continuing resolution] first (per the GOP letter to Reid from Dec. 1).”

Gentzel was referring to a letter in which all 42 members of the Republican caucus pledged to oppose legislation coming to the floor if the extension of the Bush-era tax cuts and funding for the government hadn’t yet been addressed.

A spokesperson for Sen. Scott Brown said he'd vote in favor of the 'Don't Ask' repeal bill (Blade photo by Michael Key).

According to ABC News, Gail Gitcho, a Brown spokesperson, said the Massachusetts senator would vote in favor of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” repeal if Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) brought “a clean repeal bill” to the floor.

“Sen. Brown accepts the Pentagon’s recommendation to repeal the policy after proper preparations have been completed,” Gitcho said. “If and when a clean repeal bill comes up for a vote, he will support it.”

Michael Brumas, a Murkowski spokesperson, also said via e-mail that the Alaska senator would vote in favor of the bill.

“Sen. Murkowski will support a stand-alone repeal of the [‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’] bill,” Brumas said. “With the tax package out of the way, and legislation to fund the government on a glide path to passage, Sen. Murkowski will vote to move to [‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’] when it is brought to the floor.”

The announcements from Snowe, Brown and Murkowski mean four committed Republican votes in favor of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” repeal. Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine) is an original co-sponsor of the legislation.

Other possibilities for Republican support are Sens. Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) and George Voinovich (R-Ohio). The Indiana senator has expressed support for repealing “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” but also voted against moving ahead with the fiscal year 2011 defense authorization bill and hasn’t backed any specific measure that would end the military’s gay ban.

Fred Sainz, the Human Right Campaign’s vice president of communications, said he’s “confident” that announcements from Brown and Murkowski mean that 60 votes are present in the Senate to end “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.”

“Sens. Collins, Brown and Murkowski’s commitment is proof that this unjust and discriminatory law will soon be a part of the dust-bin of history,” Sainz said.

But even with this support in the Senate, questions remain over whether Reid will schedule a vote on the repeal legislation in the limited time remaining before lawmakers adjourn for this Congress. Reid has said he’d bring the legislation to the floor before the end of the session — and has even threatened to keep the Senate in session until Jan. 4 to repeal the law — but anxiety remains as he hasn’t yet scheduled the bill.

In a news conference, Reid said he doesn’t know if he’ll bring the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” repeal legislation to the Senate floor before Christmas but reiterated he plans on bringing the bill to the floor along with other bills before the end of the year.

“I don’t know if I’ll bring it before Christmas,” Reid said. “Before this Congress ends, we’re going to to — we’re going to complete — or have a vote, determine a vote on the START treaty, the DREAM Act, ‘Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell’, 9/11 and, hopefully, we can get an agreement on nominations. Otherwise we’ll have some votes on nominations.”

Questions over President Obama’s commitment to pushing the Senate to repeal “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” also continue as White House officials assert that Obama is making calls to ensure repeal happens.

In response to a question from The Advocate on why Obama hasn’t been on TV calling for “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” repeal, White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs during a news conference Thursday insisted the president has been active in repeal efforts.

“Let’s be clear, we would not be at this point if it wasn’t for the president’s leadership in bringing this issue to the forefront,” Gibbs said. “There’s time to do this if there are those on the other side of the aisle that wish to get this done.  And it is clear that whether it’s Sen. Brown or Sen. Murkowski or Sen. Snowe or others, there’s an effort to get this done if we have time to do it.”

Asked whether the president has been in conversations with Reid on the issue, Gibbs replied, “They talk regularly.”

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National

United Methodist Church removes 40-year ban on gay clergy

Delegates also voted for other LGBTQ-inclusive measures

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Underground Railroad, Black History Month, gay news, Washington Blade
Mount Zion United Methodist Church is the oldest African-American church in Washington. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The United Methodist Church on Wednesday removed a ban on gay clergy that was in place for more than 40 years, voting to also allow LGBTQ weddings and end prohibitions on the use of United Methodist funds to “promote acceptance of homosexuality.” 

Overturning the policy forbidding the church from ordaining “self-avowed practicing homosexuals” effectively formalized a practice that had caused an estimated quarter of U.S. congregations to leave the church.

The New York Times notes additional votes “affirming L.G.B.T.Q. inclusion in the church are expected before the meeting adjourns on Friday.” Wednesday’s measures were passed overwhelmingly and without debate. Delegates met in Charlotte, N.C.

According to the church’s General Council on Finance and Administration, there were 5,424,175 members in the U.S. in 2022 with an estimated global membership approaching 10 million.

The Times notes that other matters of business last week included a “regionalization” plan, which gave autonomy to different regions such that they can establish their own rules on matters including issues of sexuality — about which international factions are likelier to have more conservative views.

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Federal Government

Republican state AGs challenge Biden administration’s revised Title IX policies

New rules protect LGBTQ students from discrimination

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U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona (Screen capture: AP/YouTube)

Four Republicans state attorneys general have sued the Biden-Harris administration over the U.S. Department of Education’s new Title IX policies that were finalized April 19 and carry anti-discrimination protections for LGBTQ students in public schools.

The lawsuit filed on Tuesday, which is led by the attorneys general of Kentucky and Tennessee, follows a pair of legal challenges from nine Republican states on Monday — all contesting the administration’s interpretation that sex-based discrimination under the statute also covers that which is based on the victim’s sexual orientation or gender identity.

The administration also rolled back Trump-era rules governing how schools must respond to allegations of sexual harassment and sexual assault, which were widely perceived as biased in favor of the interests of those who are accused.

“The U.S. Department of Education has no authority to let boys into girls’ locker rooms,” Tennessee Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti said in a statement. “In the decades since its adoption, Title IX has been universally understood to protect the privacy and safety of women in private spaces like locker rooms and bathrooms.”

“Florida is suing the Biden administration over its unlawful Title IX changes,” Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis wrote on social media. “Biden is abusing his constitutional authority to push an ideological agenda that harms women and girls and conflicts with the truth.”

After announcing the finalization of the department’s new rules, Education Secretary Miguel Cardona told reporters, “These regulations make it crystal clear that everyone can access schools that are safe, welcoming and that respect their rights.”

The new rule does not provide guidance on whether schools must allow transgender students to play on sports teams corresponding with their gender identity to comply with Title IX, a question that is addressed in a separate rule proposed by the agency in April.

LGBTQ and civil rights advocacy groups praised the changes. Lambda Legal issued a statement arguing the new rule “protects LGBTQ+ students from discrimination and other abuse,” adding that it “appropriately underscores that Title IX’s civil rights protections clearly cover LGBTQ+ students, as well as survivors and pregnant and parenting students across race and gender identity.”

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Federal Government

4th Circuit rules gender identity is a protected characteristic

Ruling a response to N.C., W.Va. legal challenges

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Lewis F. Powell Jr. Courthouse in Richmond, Va. (Photo courtesy of the U.S. Courts/GSA)

BY ERIN REED | The 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled Monday that transgender people are a protected class and that Medicaid bans on trans care are unconstitutional.

Furthermore, the court ruled that discriminating based on a diagnosis of gender dysphoria is discrimination based on gender identity and sex. The ruling is in response to lower court challenges against state laws and policies in North Carolina and West Virginia that prevent trans people on state plans or Medicaid from obtaining coverage for gender-affirming care; those lower courts found such exclusions unconstitutional.

In issuing the final ruling, the 4th Circuit declared that trans exclusions were “obviously discriminatory” and were “in violation of the equal protection clause” of the Constitution, upholding lower court rulings that barred the discriminatory exclusions.

The 4th Circuit ruling focused on two cases in states within its jurisdiction: North Carolina and West Virginia. In North Carolina, trans state employees who rely on the State Health Plan were unable to use it to obtain gender-affirming care for gender dysphoria diagnoses.

In West Virginia, a similar exclusion applied to those on the state’s Medicaid plan for surgeries related to a diagnosis of gender dysphoria. Both exclusions were overturned by lower courts, and both states appealed to the 4th Circuit.

Attorneys for the states had argued that the policies were not discriminatory because the exclusions for gender affirming care “apply to everyone, not just transgender people.” The majority of the court, however, struck down such a claim, pointing to several other cases where such arguments break down, such as same-sex marriage bans “applying to straight, gay, lesbian, and bisexual people equally,” even though straight people would be entirely unaffected by such bans.

Other cases cited included literacy tests, a tax on wearing kippot for Jewish people, and interracial marriage in Loving v. Virginia.

See this portion of the court analysis here:

4th Circuit rules against legal argument that trans treatment bans do not discriminate against trans people because ‘they apply to everyone.’

Of particular note in the majority opinion was a section on Geduldig v. Aiello that seemed laser-targeted toward an eventual U.S. Supreme Court decision on discriminatory policies targeting trans people. Geduldig v. Aiello, a 1974 ruling, determined that pregnancy discrimination is not inherently sex discrimination because it does not “classify on sex,” but rather, on pregnancy status.

Using similar arguments, the states claimed that gender affirming care exclusions did not classify or discriminate based on trans status or sex, but rather, on a diagnosis of gender dysphoria and treatments to alleviate that dysphoria.

The majority was unconvinced, ruling, “gender dysphoria is so intimately related to transgender status as to be virtually indistinguishable from it. The excluded treatments aim at addressing incongruity between sex assigned at birth and gender identity, the very heart of transgender status.” In doing so, the majority cited several cases, many from after Geduldig was decided.

Notably, Geduldig was cited in both the 6th and 11th Circuit decisions upholding gender affirming care bans in a handful of states.

The court also pointed to the potentially ridiculous conclusions that strict readings of what counts as proxy discrimination could lead to, such as if legislators attempted to use “XX chromosomes” and “XY chromosomes” to get around sex discrimination policies:

The 4th Circuit majority rebuts the state’s proxy discrimination argument.

Importantly, the court also rebutted recent arguments that Bostock applies only to “limited Title VII claims involving employers who fired” LGBTQ employees, and not to Title IX, which the Affordable Care Act’s anti-discrimination mandate references. The majority stated that this is not the case, and that there is “nothing in Bostock to suggest the holding was that narrow.”

Ultimately, the court ruled that the exclusions on trans care violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution. The court also ruled that the West Virginia Medicaid Program violates the Medicaid Act and the anti-discrimination provisions of the Affordable Care Act.

Additionally, the court upheld the dismissal of anti-trans expert testimony for lacking relevant expertise. West Virginia and North Carolina must end trans care exclusions in line with earlier district court decisions.

The decision will likely have nationwide impacts on court cases in other districts. The case had become a major battleground for trans rights, with dozens of states filing amicus briefs in favor or against the protection of the equal process rights of trans people. Twenty-one Republican states filed an amicus brief in favor of denying trans people anti-discrimination protections in healthcare, and 17 Democratic states joined an amicus brief in support of the healthcare rights of trans individuals.

Many Republican states are defending anti-trans laws that discriminate against trans people by banning or limiting gender-affirming care. These laws could come under threat if the legal rationale used in this decision is adopted by other circuits. In the 4th Circuit’s jurisdiction, West Virginia and North Carolina already have gender-affirming care bans for trans youth in place, and South Carolina may consider a similar bill this week.

The decision could potentially be used as precedent to challenge all of those laws in the near future and to deter South Carolina’s bill from passing into law.

The decision is the latest in a web of legal battles concerning trans people. Earlier this month, the 4th Circuit also reversed a sports ban in West Virginia, ruling that Title IX protects trans student athletes. However, the Supreme Court recently narrowed a victory for trans healthcare from the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals and allowed Idaho to continue enforcing its ban on gender-affirming care for everyone except the two plaintiffs in the case.

Importantly, that decision was not about the constitutionality of gender-affirming care, but the limits of temporary injunctions in the early stages of a constitutional challenge to discriminatory state laws. It is likely that the Supreme Court will ultimately hear cases on this topic in the near future.

Celebrating the victory, Lambda Legal Counsel and Health Care Strategist Omar Gonzalez-Pagan said in a posted statement, “The court’s decision sends a clear message that gender-affirming care is critical medical care for transgender people and that denying it is harmful and unlawful … We hope this decision makes it clear to policy makers across the country that health care decisions belong to patients, their families, and their doctors, not to politicians.” 

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Erin Reed is a transgender woman (she/her pronouns) and researcher who tracks anti-LGBTQ+ legislation around the world and helps people become better advocates for their queer family, friends, colleagues, and community. Reed also is a social media consultant and public speaker.

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The preceding article was first published at Erin In The Morning and is republished with permission.

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