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Meet GLAAD’s new firebrand-in-chief

Plainspoken Graddick working to restore media watchdog after scandal

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Herndon Graddick, gay news, gay politics dc

After a tumultuous 2011, and nearly a year without a permanent leader, GLAAD announced its new president is Herndon Graddick. (Courtesy photo)

The first thing you discover about Herndon Graddick, the new president of the Gay & Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation, is that he’s direct and plainspoken —he doesn’t mince words the way more seasoned LGBT leaders do.

Earlier this week, Graddick told Europe’s Gay Star News, “I think it’s finally time for us to grab our power and really use it and make sure that we’re not sort of treated as second-class citizens anymore. I intend to do that in this role at GLAAD.”

He added that when he finally met other gay people after moving to California at 19, he was “pissed off.”

“Everything I had been taught was essentially bullshit,” he said of his epiphany upon coming out and realizing that LGBT youth were being taught they should remain in the closet.

Graddick worked for Current TV, CNN and at a global climate change initiative before becoming GLAAD’s vice president of programs and communication in 2010.

His determination and spirit match those of grassroots activists on the ground, rather than someone trying to appease finicky donors and politicians. And the honesty is a far cry from the political calculus of former President Jarrett Barrios, who resigned in June 2011 after a scandal regarding his role in pushing the FCC to approve AT&T-backed initiatives.

Graddick sat down with the Blade to discuss his role at GLAAD since that time and his vision for the future.

 

WASHINGTON BLADE: What was your role at the organization before being picked by the board for this position?

HERNDON GRADDICK: I was the head of programs and communications, so I oversaw all of our activist work, basically everything but the fundraising and sort of the physical operations of the organization, so everything we do in the movement.

 

BLADE: You’ve got a thorough handle on the inner workings of the organization, especially in terms of the programming?

GRADDICK: Yes I have. One of the reasons why I wanted to do this job is I feel like the work we’ve done in the past year has been really making a difference, and I’ve felt really satisfied by that. So I wanted to put my name in the ring for the president’s spot because I want that to continue and I wanted to do even more of it. And so it’s really a product of my believing in the work that I put myself up for this job. I’m humbled and take with seriousness the duties that the role has.

 

BLADE: What would you list as GLAAD’s biggest successes in the last year?

GRADDICK: The media awards are, as you know, how we support our work. They’re a fundraiser, they get the most attention in the U.S. and in the world, because celebrities are inevitably what people pay the most attention to. But GLAAD’s work is from the grassroots to the local, state and national levels. Some of that work gets a lot of attention in the press, and some of it doesn’t. But nonetheless all of it is important.

I would say that our Commentator Accountability Project that we just launched is something that’s really important to me, and works toward what I wanted to do when I came to GLAAD. To hold anti-gay activists accountable to the full breadth of their animus toward the gay community, and give journalists an easy access resource of what these anti-gay people have actually said.

And recently, Miss Universe has agreed to change their rules to allow the inclusion of transgender women, and we’re waiting to see the details of that, but we’ve gotten the full-throated promise from them that those details were coming, and I think that the fact that transgender women are now going to be participating alongside everybody else in the Miss Universe pageant, is a sign of the times that the world is changing to view LGBT people just like anybody else.

I could really go on and on about different things that I’ve been proud of, but I think in general our mission is creating a media where LGBT people can thrive, and where LGBT youth don’t have their self-esteem dictated by negative portrayals in the media and we’re able to be happy and live our lives just like anybody else.

 

BLADE: GLAAD’s had some great highs in the past year, but also some lows. How do you plan to continue to repair GLAAD’s public image in the LGBT community?

GRADDICK: Well, I’ve been really flattered and humbled by the press that we’ve received around our recent changes, and when I read that press, what I really think is what people are speaking to now is the strength of our programmatic work in the last nine months, and I think that people are really noticing that the work that we’re doing is having an impact. So I’m really encouraged by that, and I take inspiration in that. And my personal view is that we’re all in this together, and so I’m really grateful for the work that activists and bloggers and other movement organizations — it feels like we’re working together better than I’ve seen in the past, and I’m really encouraged by that.

I really look forward to working with the movement and the blogosphere and the LGBT press. Let’s keep our eye on the ball, and let’s fight for LGBT equality, and keep our sense of who the enemy is, and that’s people who would deprive us of all the rights and privileges that are afforded to every other American. I really take great pride in the fact that I’m in this position of helping to do so. I thank everybody out there for their individual efforts, and GLAAD is always open to hear the support, the advice and the criticism telling us where we can do things better and differently. I welcome that.

 

BLADE: What is your vision for GLAAD going forward?

GRADDICK: I think that over the years GLAAD has been a really effective force for the inclusion of fair and accurate portrayals of LGBT people in media, and my intention is to continue to be that. I think we’ve both been a defensive force against defamation, I think the time is now not just to be defensive, but to really go on the offensive, because we’re sick of not being treated like everybody else, and Americans are behind us and I think that if you really put your finger in the air, you can feel something changing in America. And so it’s my chance to be the tip of the spear — along with other movement organizations and bloggers and activists — to really make sure that this isn’t about asking for us to be treated fairly, it’s about demanding and insuring that we are treated fairly. So my interest in being the head of GLAAD is making sure that happens.

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National

United Methodist Church removes 40-year ban on gay clergy

Delegates also voted for other LGBTQ-inclusive measures

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Underground Railroad, Black History Month, gay news, Washington Blade
Mount Zion United Methodist Church is the oldest African-American church in Washington. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The United Methodist Church on Wednesday removed a ban on gay clergy that was in place for more than 40 years, voting to also allow LGBTQ weddings and end prohibitions on the use of United Methodist funds to “promote acceptance of homosexuality.” 

Overturning the policy forbidding the church from ordaining “self-avowed practicing homosexuals” effectively formalized a practice that had caused an estimated quarter of U.S. congregations to leave the church.

The New York Times notes additional votes “affirming L.G.B.T.Q. inclusion in the church are expected before the meeting adjourns on Friday.” Wednesday’s measures were passed overwhelmingly and without debate. Delegates met in Charlotte, N.C.

According to the church’s General Council on Finance and Administration, there were 5,424,175 members in the U.S. in 2022 with an estimated global membership approaching 10 million.

The Times notes that other matters of business last week included a “regionalization” plan, which gave autonomy to different regions such that they can establish their own rules on matters including issues of sexuality — about which international factions are likelier to have more conservative views.

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Federal Government

Republican state AGs challenge Biden administration’s revised Title IX policies

New rules protect LGBTQ students from discrimination

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U.S. Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona (Screen capture: AP/YouTube)

Four Republicans state attorneys general have sued the Biden-Harris administration over the U.S. Department of Education’s new Title IX policies that were finalized April 19 and carry anti-discrimination protections for LGBTQ students in public schools.

The lawsuit filed on Tuesday, which is led by the attorneys general of Kentucky and Tennessee, follows a pair of legal challenges from nine Republican states on Monday — all contesting the administration’s interpretation that sex-based discrimination under the statute also covers that which is based on the victim’s sexual orientation or gender identity.

The administration also rolled back Trump-era rules governing how schools must respond to allegations of sexual harassment and sexual assault, which were widely perceived as biased in favor of the interests of those who are accused.

“The U.S. Department of Education has no authority to let boys into girls’ locker rooms,” Tennessee Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti said in a statement. “In the decades since its adoption, Title IX has been universally understood to protect the privacy and safety of women in private spaces like locker rooms and bathrooms.”

“Florida is suing the Biden administration over its unlawful Title IX changes,” Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis wrote on social media. “Biden is abusing his constitutional authority to push an ideological agenda that harms women and girls and conflicts with the truth.”

After announcing the finalization of the department’s new rules, Education Secretary Miguel Cardona told reporters, “These regulations make it crystal clear that everyone can access schools that are safe, welcoming and that respect their rights.”

The new rule does not provide guidance on whether schools must allow transgender students to play on sports teams corresponding with their gender identity to comply with Title IX, a question that is addressed in a separate rule proposed by the agency in April.

LGBTQ and civil rights advocacy groups praised the changes. Lambda Legal issued a statement arguing the new rule “protects LGBTQ+ students from discrimination and other abuse,” adding that it “appropriately underscores that Title IX’s civil rights protections clearly cover LGBTQ+ students, as well as survivors and pregnant and parenting students across race and gender identity.”

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Federal Government

4th Circuit rules gender identity is a protected characteristic

Ruling a response to N.C., W.Va. legal challenges

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Lewis F. Powell Jr. Courthouse in Richmond, Va. (Photo courtesy of the U.S. Courts/GSA)

BY ERIN REED | The 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled Monday that transgender people are a protected class and that Medicaid bans on trans care are unconstitutional.

Furthermore, the court ruled that discriminating based on a diagnosis of gender dysphoria is discrimination based on gender identity and sex. The ruling is in response to lower court challenges against state laws and policies in North Carolina and West Virginia that prevent trans people on state plans or Medicaid from obtaining coverage for gender-affirming care; those lower courts found such exclusions unconstitutional.

In issuing the final ruling, the 4th Circuit declared that trans exclusions were “obviously discriminatory” and were “in violation of the equal protection clause” of the Constitution, upholding lower court rulings that barred the discriminatory exclusions.

The 4th Circuit ruling focused on two cases in states within its jurisdiction: North Carolina and West Virginia. In North Carolina, trans state employees who rely on the State Health Plan were unable to use it to obtain gender-affirming care for gender dysphoria diagnoses.

In West Virginia, a similar exclusion applied to those on the state’s Medicaid plan for surgeries related to a diagnosis of gender dysphoria. Both exclusions were overturned by lower courts, and both states appealed to the 4th Circuit.

Attorneys for the states had argued that the policies were not discriminatory because the exclusions for gender affirming care “apply to everyone, not just transgender people.” The majority of the court, however, struck down such a claim, pointing to several other cases where such arguments break down, such as same-sex marriage bans “applying to straight, gay, lesbian, and bisexual people equally,” even though straight people would be entirely unaffected by such bans.

Other cases cited included literacy tests, a tax on wearing kippot for Jewish people, and interracial marriage in Loving v. Virginia.

See this portion of the court analysis here:

4th Circuit rules against legal argument that trans treatment bans do not discriminate against trans people because ‘they apply to everyone.’

Of particular note in the majority opinion was a section on Geduldig v. Aiello that seemed laser-targeted toward an eventual U.S. Supreme Court decision on discriminatory policies targeting trans people. Geduldig v. Aiello, a 1974 ruling, determined that pregnancy discrimination is not inherently sex discrimination because it does not “classify on sex,” but rather, on pregnancy status.

Using similar arguments, the states claimed that gender affirming care exclusions did not classify or discriminate based on trans status or sex, but rather, on a diagnosis of gender dysphoria and treatments to alleviate that dysphoria.

The majority was unconvinced, ruling, “gender dysphoria is so intimately related to transgender status as to be virtually indistinguishable from it. The excluded treatments aim at addressing incongruity between sex assigned at birth and gender identity, the very heart of transgender status.” In doing so, the majority cited several cases, many from after Geduldig was decided.

Notably, Geduldig was cited in both the 6th and 11th Circuit decisions upholding gender affirming care bans in a handful of states.

The court also pointed to the potentially ridiculous conclusions that strict readings of what counts as proxy discrimination could lead to, such as if legislators attempted to use “XX chromosomes” and “XY chromosomes” to get around sex discrimination policies:

The 4th Circuit majority rebuts the state’s proxy discrimination argument.

Importantly, the court also rebutted recent arguments that Bostock applies only to “limited Title VII claims involving employers who fired” LGBTQ employees, and not to Title IX, which the Affordable Care Act’s anti-discrimination mandate references. The majority stated that this is not the case, and that there is “nothing in Bostock to suggest the holding was that narrow.”

Ultimately, the court ruled that the exclusions on trans care violate the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution. The court also ruled that the West Virginia Medicaid Program violates the Medicaid Act and the anti-discrimination provisions of the Affordable Care Act.

Additionally, the court upheld the dismissal of anti-trans expert testimony for lacking relevant expertise. West Virginia and North Carolina must end trans care exclusions in line with earlier district court decisions.

The decision will likely have nationwide impacts on court cases in other districts. The case had become a major battleground for trans rights, with dozens of states filing amicus briefs in favor or against the protection of the equal process rights of trans people. Twenty-one Republican states filed an amicus brief in favor of denying trans people anti-discrimination protections in healthcare, and 17 Democratic states joined an amicus brief in support of the healthcare rights of trans individuals.

Many Republican states are defending anti-trans laws that discriminate against trans people by banning or limiting gender-affirming care. These laws could come under threat if the legal rationale used in this decision is adopted by other circuits. In the 4th Circuit’s jurisdiction, West Virginia and North Carolina already have gender-affirming care bans for trans youth in place, and South Carolina may consider a similar bill this week.

The decision could potentially be used as precedent to challenge all of those laws in the near future and to deter South Carolina’s bill from passing into law.

The decision is the latest in a web of legal battles concerning trans people. Earlier this month, the 4th Circuit also reversed a sports ban in West Virginia, ruling that Title IX protects trans student athletes. However, the Supreme Court recently narrowed a victory for trans healthcare from the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals and allowed Idaho to continue enforcing its ban on gender-affirming care for everyone except the two plaintiffs in the case.

Importantly, that decision was not about the constitutionality of gender-affirming care, but the limits of temporary injunctions in the early stages of a constitutional challenge to discriminatory state laws. It is likely that the Supreme Court will ultimately hear cases on this topic in the near future.

Celebrating the victory, Lambda Legal Counsel and Health Care Strategist Omar Gonzalez-Pagan said in a posted statement, “The court’s decision sends a clear message that gender-affirming care is critical medical care for transgender people and that denying it is harmful and unlawful … We hope this decision makes it clear to policy makers across the country that health care decisions belong to patients, their families, and their doctors, not to politicians.” 

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Erin Reed is a transgender woman (she/her pronouns) and researcher who tracks anti-LGBTQ+ legislation around the world and helps people become better advocates for their queer family, friends, colleagues, and community. Reed also is a social media consultant and public speaker.

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The preceding article was first published at Erin In The Morning and is republished with permission.

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