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Support for ENDA crumbles

Religious exemption splits LGBT advocates in wake of Hobby Lobby decision



ENDA, Employment Non-Discrimination Act, religious exemptions, gay news, Washington Blade
GetEQUAL, Employment Non-Discrimination Act, ENDA, gay news, Washington Blade, religious exemptions

A sharp divide within the LGBT community has taken place over ENDA because of its religious exemption. (Washington Blade file photo by Michael Key)

A deep rift has opened up within the LGBT community over the Employment Non-Discrimination Act as several groups this week announced they were dropping support for the bill, while others continue to lobby for its passage.

The split makes it increasingly difficult — perhaps impossible — to see how ENDA has a chance to pass in a chamber of Congress where Republican control already made efforts to advance the bill a long shot.

The issue is the religious exemption in ENDA, which would allow religious organizations to continue discriminating against or firing LGBT employees in non-ministerial positions.

The language — adopted in the Senate version to ensure the support of the 10 Republicans who voted for the bill (as well as some conservative Democrats) — is broader than the religious exemption under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which protects workers on the basis of race, gender, religion and national origin.

Concerns about the religious exemption aren’t new, but they intensified following the rejection of the “turn away the gay” bill in Arizona that would have allowed businesses to discriminate against LGBT people for religious reasons. Many national LGBT groups faced criticism from grassroots activists for continuing to support the current version of ENDA.

On Tuesday, the National Gay & Lesbian Task Force Action Fund announced it now “opposes” ENDA because of the religious exemption.

Rea Carey, executive director of the National Gay & Lesbian Task Force, drew heavily on the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in the Hobby Lobby case in explaining her decision to come out against the current version of ENDA, saying religious-based discrimination has to end.

“The campaign to create broad religious exemptions for employment protections repeats a pattern we’ve seen before in methodically undermining voting rights, women’s access to reproductive health and affirmative action,” Carey said. “It is time for fair-minded people to block this momentum, rather than help speed it into law. We need new federal non-discrimination legislation that contains a reasonable religious accommodation.”

A spokesperson for the Task Force, Mark Daley, followed up by saying he made no assessment prior to the announcement that ENDA couldn’t pass the U.S. House. In the event that a version of ENDA with a broad religious exemption reaches President Obama’s desk, the Task Force would call on the president to veto the legislation, Daley said.

The Task Force is also set to withdraw from the steering committee of Americans for Workplace Opportunity, a $2.2 million campaign dedicated to passing ENDA, Daley said.

In a separate statement, five legal groups that advocate on behalf of the LGBT community — the American Civil Liberties Union, Gay & Lesbian Advocates & Defenders, the Transgender Law Center, the National Center for Lesbian Rights and Lambda Legal — affirmed they are withdrawing support from ENDA. That announcement was followed by a third statement from the LGBT labor group Pride at Work, which also announced it was withdrawing support for the bill.

Politicians are beginning to reconsider as well. In a statement to the Blade, Rep. Jerrold Nadler (D-N.Y.), known for his progressive views, said he was “very concerned” about the religious exemption and pledged to work to narrow the language, indicating he was unsure at this time whether he could vote for the bill on the House floor.

Meanwhile, groups and lawmakers that continue to support ENDA have begun to weigh in.

“HRC supports ENDA because it will provide essential workplace protections to millions of LGBT people,” said Fred Sainz, vice president of communications for the Human Rights Campaign.

HRC President Chad Griffin, who has steadfastly refused Blade interview requests for months, penned an op-ed for Buzzfeed in which he called on “allies in Congress to improve this bill’s overly broad religious exemption.”

Mara Keisling, executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality, said she continues to focus on her organization’s upcoming lobby day on Capitol Hill between July 14-15, when supporters of transgender rights are set to lobby for ENDA.

“I think we all understand that trans people urgently need job protections and that having 200 trans people and allies in D.C. next week educating Congress about that is a very good thing,” Keisling said. “Right now, what should be front and center are trans people and people who love them who are coming to D.C. to tell their stories about what they need to make a living and care for their families.”

Notably, the Task Force is among the six groups sponsoring the upcoming lobby day, even though it now opposes the legislation the event is designed to advance. Kylar Broadus, the Task Force’s counsel on civil rights, confirmed for the Blade the organization is still a “proud supporter” of the lobby day.

Freedom to Work didn’t respond to a request for comment. The White House also did not immediately respond to an inquiry.

Despite the blow the current version of ENDA received this week, no source was willing to declare the legislation dead for the remainder of this Congress. Those who support the legislation, including several who spoke on condition of anonymity, say they’ll continue to seek additional co-sponsors for the bill in hopes of passage after the Senate attaches the legislation to some kind of appropriations legislation.

A common theme among LGBT groups that withdrew support from ENDA was the impact of the Hobby Lobby decision on ENDA, which allowed closely held corporations to deny contraception coverage for religious reasons.

Rep. Jared Polis (D-Colo.), who’s gay and chief sponsor of ENDA, said in a statement to the Blade that he’s reviewing the implications of the court decision on ENDA in the aftermath of the controversy.

“I am consulting stakeholders and constitutional scholars on the implications of the Hobby Lobby decision on the current language of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act to ensure that LGBT workers will have the right to be judged solely on the quality of their work, not who they love or who they are,” Polis said.

Another possible explanation for why these groups withdrew support for ENDA at this time is the planned executive order from President Obama prohibiting anti-LGBT workplace discrimination among federal contractors.

A group of faith leaders, including Saddleback Church pastor Rick Warren, wrote to Obama last week asking him to include an exemption in the executive order for religious organizations that still want to receive federal contracts. One of their arguments for the inclusion of a religious exemption was the agreement on a broad religious exemption in the Senate-passed version of ENDA.

LGBT groups unanimously stated they want no religious exemption in the planned executive order, or one that’s no greater than the one found in Executive Order 11246, the directive that prohibits federal contractors from discriminating based on race, color, religion, sex or national origin. Continuing to support ENDA despite its religious exemption may have given the appearance of sending mixed messages.

By coming out against ENDA because of its religious exemption, LGBT groups can more firmly state without any nuance objections to the inclusion of an exemption within the executive order.

Ian Thompson, the ACLU’s legislative representative, said his organization’s position on the executive order has already been clear, but acknowledged withdrawing of support from ENDA aligns with its views on the directive.

“There were certain individuals and groups who pointed to the exemption in ENDA as somehow justifying an endorsement by President Obama of taxpayer-funded discrimination against LGBT people,” Thompson said. “What should be crystal clear today is that sweeping discrimination exemptions are neither acceptable in ENDA nor in the EO.”

Activists are that opposed to the religious exemption have called for a broader civil rights bill that would cover employment, housing and public accommodations in lieu of ENDA. The withdrawal of support for ENDA could be intended as a way to set the stage for a broader bill in a subsequent Congress.

Such a bill may come in the form of an amendment to the Civil Rights Act of 1964, although that would cover only employment and public accommodations because the Fair Housing Act of 1968 relates to housing.

Andrew Miller, a member of the New York-based grassroots group Queer Nation, articulated his opposition to ENDA’s religious exemption and hopes for a comprehensive bill in a statement to the Blade.

“ENDA is dangerous not only because of its religious exemption but because it signals that LGBT Americans do not deserve the same legal protections as our fellow Americans,” Miller said. “A comprehensive civil rights bill will guarantee LGBT people equality not just in employment but in housing, public accommodations, education, credit, and federal programs, just as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 does for people of color and women. Queer Nation will continue to educate the community and lobby for comprehensive civil rights legislation in Congress. Our community deserves—and expects—nothing less.”

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  1. brians ions

    July 9, 2014 at 3:38 pm

    Crumble it should. There is no need for duplicative efforts in support of a now-bad ENDA bill that should never become law.
    It is time LGBT Americans take their full, rightful place among the groups whose civil rights are protected in Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Protections against housing discrimination would soon follow.
    Besides, protecting against anti-LGBT discrimination in public accommodations is as relevant as yesterday’s and today’s headlines elsewhere in the Blade.

    • El Dorado

      July 9, 2014 at 8:09 pm

      They won’t use Title VII to protect GLBT people against discrimination because racial minorities and women are concerned that conservatives will use this as an excuse to water down the protections currently in place for them. That’s why ENDA was proposed as a separate bill.

      ENDA strictly deals with employment and has nothing to do with Housing, Public Accommodations or other protected categories. It’s hard enough getting a bill passed for employment alone let alone trying to add these additional things.

  2. El Dorado

    July 9, 2014 at 8:13 pm

    It’s particularly frustrating that we can’t ever get this valuable legislation to move forward because the people it’s meant to protect always have an excuse to derail it.

    We had our chance while Pelosi was Speaker but she squandered the opportunity along with Harry Reid. With Boehner hosing up the legislation without allowing it a fair up and down vote, and the uncertainty of support after Obama leaves office, this could delay justice again for another generation.

    I’m sick of waiting for this and all the excuses why it’s not possible to pass it. I’ve spent over thirty years waiting for this to become federal law and they way it looks, I may be near retirement or retired by the time this becomes law. How this ended up being less important than ending DADT, when so few of us work in the US military is beyond me!

  3. brians ions

    July 10, 2014 at 9:58 am

    El Dorado, this isn’t about your wishes or my wishes, or the political situation as it was thirty years ago. It is about passing a good law vs. passing a bad law. Precedent matters in legislating civil rights just as it does in the judicial branch of our government.
    Even if ENDA carried no despicable religious loophole, as it does now, there would still be a powerful political reason to scrap it in favor of a concentrated effort for full, specific Title VII protection for LGBTs.

    Achieving ENDA’s passage, with its very narrow goal, would then be used as an excuse for foot-dragging inaction on Title VII inclusion– maybe for a decade or more.
    In addition, the political considerations you cite are simply not serious factors today. There is certainly no need for LGBT people to be shunting LGBT civil rights efforts to a separate closet for consideration by mostly straight legislators.

    You cite fear of adverse consequences from political LGBT-rights enemies and worried allies. But if that is true, why are their numbers dwindling by the day, according to polls?
    It’s a matter of elementary negotiating strategy, too. We are in a much stronger position than we were even FIVE years ago. We now hold most of the high, moral ground of basic American fairness and equal treatment in the eyes of most Americans.
    A political interest should never squander that hard fought position by demanding what amounts to less than half a loaf for our trouble. Moreover, we should never kowtow to the worst homophobes and transphobes among us seeking to deny our civil rights. Never.
    LGBTs are entitled to a whole loaf of bread, the same as every other minority group protected by Title VII.
    Also, be reminded DADT was THE most egregious example of country’s anti-gay discrimination. America’s largest employer, its federal government, was openly discriminating against the employment of gay people in its largest federally-employed department.
    DADT’s repeal, FIRST and FOREMOST, was an essential prerequisite to any other LGBT civil rights legislative agenda the president and national Democrats pursued. What don’t you get about that?
    How could Reid, Pelosi and Obama not look downright hypocritical pursuing any serious LGBT civil rights without first repealing the country’s biggest example of state-sponsored anti-gay discrimination– DADT?

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Equality Act, contorted as a danger by anti-LGBTQ forces, is all but dead

No political willpower to force vote or reach a compromise



Despite having President Biden in the White House and Democratic majorities in both chambers of Congress, efforts to update federal civil rights laws to strengthen the prohibition on discrimination against LGBTQ people by passing the Equality Act are all but dead as opponents of the measure have contorted it beyond recognition.

Political willpower is lacking to find a compromise that would be acceptable to enough Republican senators to end a filibuster on the bill — a tall order in any event — nor is there the willpower to force a vote on the Equality Act as opponents stoke fears about transgender kids in sports and not even unanimity in the Democratic caucus in favor of the bill is present, stakeholders who spoke to the Blade on condition of anonymity said.

In fact, there are no imminent plans to hold a vote on the legislation even though Pride month is days away, which would be an opportune time for Congress to demonstrate solidarity with the LGBTQ community by holding a vote on the legislation.

If the Equality Act were to come up for a Senate vote in the next month, it would not have the support to pass. Continued assurances that bipartisan talks are continuing on the legislation have yielded no evidence of additional support, let alone the 10 Republicans needed to end a filibuster.

“I haven’t really heard an update either way, which is usually not good,” one Democratic insider said. “My understanding is that our side was entrenched in a no-compromise mindset and with [Sen. Joe] Manchin saying he didn’t like the bill, it doomed it this Congress. And the bullying of hundreds of trans athletes derailed our message and our arguments of why it was broadly needed.”

The only thing keeping the final nail from being hammered into the Equality Act’s coffin is the unwillingness of its supporters to admit defeat. Other stakeholders who spoke to the Blade continued to assert bipartisan talks are ongoing, strongly pushing back on any conclusion the legislation is dead.

Alphonso David, president of the Human Rights Campaign, said the Equality Act is “alive and well,” citing widespread public support he said includes “the majority of Democrats, Republicans and independents and a growing number of communities across the country engaging and mobilizing every day in support of the legislation.”

“They understand the urgent need to pass this bill and stand up for LGBTQ people across our country,” David added. “As we engage with elected officials, we have confidence that Congress will listen to the voices of their constituents and continue fighting for the Equality Act through the lengthy legislative process.  We will also continue our unprecedented campaign to grow the already-high public support for a popular bill that will save lives and make our country fairer and more equal for all. We will not stop until the Equality Act is passed.”

Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), chief sponsor of the Equality Act in the Senate, also signaled through a spokesperson work continues on the legislation, refusing to give up on expectations the legislation would soon become law.

“Sen. Merkley and his staff are in active discussions with colleagues on both sides of the aisle to try to get this done,” McLennan said. “We definitely see it as a key priority that we expect to become law.”

A spokesperson Senate Majority Leader Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.), who had promised to force a vote on the Equality Act in the Senate on the day the U.S. House approved it earlier this year, pointed to a March 25 “Dear Colleague” letter in which he identified the Equality Act as one of several bills he’d bring up for a vote.

Despite any assurances, the hold up on the bill is apparent. Although the U.S. House approved the legislation earlier this year, the Senate Judiciary Committee hasn’t even reported out the bill yet to the floor in the aftermath of the first-ever Senate hearing on the bill in March. A Senate Judiciary Committee Democratic aide, however, disputed that inaction as evidence the Equality Act is dead in its tracks: “Bipartisan efforts on a path forward are ongoing.”

Democrats are quick to blame Republicans for inaction on the Equality Act, but with Manchin withholding his support for the legislation they can’t even count on the entirety of their caucus to vote “yes” if it came to the floor. Progressives continue to advocate an end to the filibuster to advance legislation Biden has promised as part of his agenda, but even if they were to overcome headwinds and dismantle the institution needing 60 votes to advance legislation, the Equality Act would likely not have majority support to win approval in the Senate with a 50-50 party split.

The office of Manchin, who has previously said he couldn’t support the Equality Act over concerns about public schools having to implement the transgender protections applying to sports and bathrooms, hasn’t responded to multiple requests this year from the Blade on the legislation and didn’t respond to a request to comment for this article.

Meanwhile, Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), who declined to co-sponsor the Equality Act this year after having signed onto the legislation in the previous Congress, insisted through a spokesperson talks are still happening across the aisle despite the appearances the legislation is dead.

“There continues to be bipartisan support for passing a law that protects the civil rights of Americans, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity,” said Annie Clark, a Collins spokesperson. “The Equality Act was a starting point for negotiations, and in its current form, it cannot pass. That’s why there are ongoing discussions among senators and stakeholders about a path forward.”

Let’s face it: Anti-LGBTQ forces have railroaded the debate by making the Equality Act about an end to women’s sports by allowing transgender athletes and danger to women in sex-segregated places like bathrooms and prisons. That doesn’t even get into resolving the issue on drawing the line between civil rights for LGBTQ people and religious freedom, which continues to be litigated in the courts as the U.S. Supreme Court is expected any day now to issue a ruling in Fulton v. City of Philadelphia to determine if foster care agencies can reject same-sex couples over religious objections.

For transgender Americans, who continue to report discrimination and violence at high rates, the absence of the Equality Act may be most keenly felt.

Mara Keisling, outgoing executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality, disputed any notion the Equality Act is dead and insisted the legislation is “very much alive.”

“We remain optimistic despite misinformation from the opposition,” Keisling said. “NCTE and our movement partners are still working fruitfully on the Equality Act with senators. In fact, we are gaining momentum with all the field organizing we’re doing, like phone banking constituents to call their senators. Legislating takes time. Nothing ever gets through Congress quickly. We expect to see a vote during this Congress, and we are hopeful we can win.”

But one Democratic source said calls to members of Congress against the Equality Act, apparently coordinated by groups like the Heritage Foundation, have has outnumbered calls in favor of it by a substantial margin, with a particular emphasis on Manchin.

No stories are present in the media about same-sex couples being kicked out of a restaurant for holding hands or transgender people for using the restroom consistent with their gender identity, which would be perfectly legal in 25 states thanks to the patchwork of civil rights laws throughout the United States and inadequate protections under federal law.

Tyler Deaton, senior adviser for the American Unity Fund, which has bolstered the Republican-led Fairness for All Act as an alternative to the Equality Act, said he continues to believe the votes are present for a compromise form of the bill.

“I know for a fact there is a supermajority level of support in the Senate for a version of the Equality Act that is fully protective of both LGBTQ civil rights and religious freedom,” Deaton said. “There is interest on both sides of the aisle in getting something done this Congress.”

Deaton, however, didn’t respond to a follow-up inquiry on what evidence exists of agreeing on this compromise.

Biden has already missed the goal he campaigned on in the 2020 election to sign the Equality Act into law within his first 100 days in office. Although Biden renewed his call to pass the legislation in his speech to Congress last month, as things stand now that appears to be a goal he won’t realize for the remainder of this Congress.

Nor has the Biden administration made the Equality Act an issue for top officials within the administration as it pushes for an infrastructure package as a top priority. One Democratic insider said Louisa Terrell, legislative affairs director for the White House, delegated work on the Equality Act to a deputy as opposed to handling it herself.

To be sure, Biden has demonstrated support for the LGBTQ community through executive action at an unprecedented rate, signing an executive order on day one ordering federal agencies to implement the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision last year in Bostock v. Clayton County to the fullest extent possible and dismantling former President Trump’s transgender military ban. Biden also made historic LGBTQ appointments with the confirmation of Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg and Rachel Levine as assistant secretary of health.

A White House spokesperson insisted Biden’s team across the board remains committed to the Equality Act, pointing to his remarks to Congress.

“President Biden has urged Congress to get the Equality Act to his desk so he can sign it into law and provide long overdue civil rights protections to LGBTQ+ Americans, and he remains committed to seeing this legislation passed as quickly as possible,” the spokesperson said. “The White House and its entire legislative team remains in ongoing and close coordination with organizations, leaders, members of Congress, including the Equality Caucus, and staff to ensure we are working across the aisle to push the Equality Act forward.”

But at least in the near-term, that progress will fall short of fulfilling the promise of updating federal civil rights law with the Equality Act, which will mean LGBTQ people won’t be able to rely on those protections when faced with discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity.

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D.C. bill to ban LGBTQ panic defense delayed by Capitol security

Delivery of bill to Congress was held up due to protocols related to Jan. 6 riots



New fencing around the Capitol following the Jan. 6 insurrection prevented some D.C. bills from being delivered to the Hill for a required congressional review. (Blade file photo by Michael K. Lavers)

A bill approved unanimously last December by the D.C. Council to ban the so-called LGBTQ panic defense has been delayed from taking effect as a city law because the fence installed around the U.S. Capitol following the Jan. 6 insurrection prevented the law from being delivered to Congress.

According to Eric Salmi, communications director for D.C. Council member Charles Allen (D-Ward 6), who guided the bill through the Council’s legislative process, all bills approved by the Council and signed by the D.C. mayor must be hand-delivered to Congress for a required congressional review.

“What happened was when the Capitol fence went up after the January insurrection, it created an issue where we physically could not deliver laws to Congress per the congressional review period,” Salmi told the Washington Blade.

Among the bills that could not immediately be delivered to Congress was the Bella Evangelista and Tony Hunter Panic Defense Prohibition and Hate Crimes Response Amendment Act of 2020, which was approved by the Council on a second and final vote on Dec. 15.

Between the time the bill was signed by Mayor Muriel Bowser and published in the D.C. Register under procedural requirements for all bills, it was not ready to be transmitted to Congress until Feb. 16, the Council’s legislative record for the bill shows.

Salmi said the impasse in delivering the bill to Congress due to the security fence prevented the bill from reaching Congress on that date and prevented the mandatory 60-day congressional review period for this bill from beginning at that time. He noted that most bills require a 30 legislative day review by Congress.

But the Evangelista-Hunter bill, named after a transgender woman and a gay man who died in violent attacks by perpetrators who attempted to use the trans and gay panic defense, includes a law enforcement related provision that under the city’s Home Rule Charter passed by Congress in the early 1970s requires a 60-day congressional review.

“There is a chance it goes into effect any day now, just given the timeline is close to being up,” Salmi said on Tuesday. “I don’t know the exact date it was delivered, but I do know the countdown is on,” said Salmi, who added, “I would expect any day now it should go into effect and there’s nothing stopping it other than an insurrection in January.”

If the delivery to Congress had not been delayed, the D.C. Council’s legislative office estimated the congressional review would have been completed by May 12.

A congressional source who spoke on condition of being identified only as a senior Democratic aide, said the holdup of D.C. bills because of the Capitol fence has been corrected.

“The House found an immediate workaround, when this issue first arose after the Jan. 6 insurrection,” the aide said.

“This is yet another reason why D.C. Council bills should not be subject to a congressional review period and why we need to grant D.C. statehood,” the aide said.

The aide added that while no disapproval resolution had been introduced in Congress to overturn the D.C. Evangelista-Hunter bill, House Democrats would have defeated such a resolution.

“House Democrats support D.C. home rule, statehood, and LGBTQ rights,” said the aide.

LGBTQ rights advocates have argued that a ban on using a gay or transgender panic defense in criminal trials is needed to prevent defense attorneys from inappropriately asking juries to find that a victim’s sexual orientation or gender identity or expression is to blame for a defendant’s criminal act, including murder.

Some attorneys have argued that their clients “panicked” after discovering the person against whom they committed a violent crime was gay or transgender, prompting them to act in a way they believed to be a form of self-defense.

In addition to its provision banning the LGBTQ panic defense, the Evangelista-Hunter bill includes a separate provision that strengthens the city’s existing hate crimes law by clarifying that hatred need not be the sole motivating factor for an underlying crime such as assault, murder, or threats to be prosecuted as a hate crime.

LGBTQ supportive prosecutors have said the clarification was needed because it is often difficult to prove to a jury that hatred is the only motive behind a violent crime. The prosecutors noted that juries have found defendants not guilty of committing a hate crime on grounds that they believed other motives were involved in a particular crime after defense lawyers argued that the law required “hate” to be the only motive in order to find someone guilty of a hate crime.

Salmi noted that while the hate crime clarification and panic defense prohibition provisions of the Evangelista-Hunter bill will become law as soon as the congressional review is completed, yet another provision in the bill will not become law after the congressional review because there are insufficient funds in the D.C. budget to cover the costs of implementing the provision.

The provision gives the D.C. Office of Human Rights and the Office of the D.C. Attorney General authority to investigate hate related discrimination at places of public accommodation. Salmi said the provision expands protections against discrimination to include web-based retailers or online delivery services that are not physically located in D.C.

“That is subject to appropriations,” Salmi said. “And until it is funded in the upcoming budget it cannot be legally enforced.”

He said that at Council member Allen’s request, the Council added language to the bill that ensures that all other provisions of the legislation that do not require additional funding – including the ban on use of the LGBTQ panic defense and the provision clarifying that hatred doesn’t have to be the sole motive for a hate crime – will take effect as soon as the congressional approval process is completed.

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D.C. man charged with 2020 anti-gay death threat rearrested

Defendant implicated in three anti-LGBTQ incidents since 2011



shooting, DC Eagle, assault, hate crime, anti-gay attack, police discrimination, sex police, Sisson, gay news, Washington Blade

A D.C. man arrested in August 2020 for allegedly threatening to kill a gay man outside the victim’s apartment in the city’s Adams Morgan neighborhood and who was released while awaiting trial was arrested again two weeks ago for allegedly threatening to kill another man in an unrelated incident.

D.C. Superior Court records show that Jalal Malki, who was 37 at the time of his 2020 arrest on a charge of bias-related attempts to do bodily harm against the gay man, was charged on May 4, 2021 with unlawful entry, simple assault, threats to kidnap and injure a person, and attempted possession of a prohibited weapon against the owner of a vacant house at 4412 Georgia Ave., N.W.

Court charging documents state that Malki was allegedly staying at the house without permission as a squatter. An arrest affidavit filed in court by D.C. police says Malki allegedly threatened to kill the man who owns the house shortly after the man arrived at the house while Malki was inside.

According to the affidavit, Malki walked up to the owner of the house while the owner was sitting in his car after having called police and told him, “If you come back here, I’m going to kill you.” While making that threat Malki displayed what appeared to be a gun in his waistband, but which was later found to be a toy gun, the affidavit says.

Malki then walked back inside the house minutes before police arrived and arrested him. Court records show that similar to the court proceedings following his 2020 arrest for threatening the gay man, a judge in the latest case ordered Malki released while awaiting trial. In both cases, the judge ordered him to stay away from the two men he allegedly threatened to kill.

An arrest affidavit filed by D.C. police in the 2020 case states that Malki allegedly made the threats inside an apartment building where the victim lived on the 2300 block of Champlain Street, N.W. It says Malki was living in a nearby building but often visited the building where the victim lived.

“Victim 1 continued to state during an interview that it was not the first time that Defendant 1 had made threats to him, but this time Defendant 1 stated that if he caught him outside, he would ‘fucking kill him.’” the affidavit says. It quotes the victim as saying during this time Malki repeatedly called the victim a “fucking faggot.”

The affidavit, prepared by the arresting officers, says that after the officers arrested Malki and were leading him to a police transport vehicle to be booked for the arrest, he expressed an “excited utterance” that he was “in disbelief that officers sided with the ‘fucking faggot.’”

Court records show that Malki is scheduled to appear in court on June 4 for a status hearing for both the 2020 arrest and the arrest two weeks ago for allegedly threatening to kill the owner of the house in which police say he was illegally squatting.

Superior Court records show that Malki had been arrested three times between 2011 and 2015 in cases unrelated to the 2021 and 2020 cases for allegedly also making threats of violence against people. Two of the cases appear to be LGBTQ related, but prosecutors with the U.S. Attorney’s Office did not list the cases as hate crimes.

In the first of the three cases, filed in July 2011, Malki allegedly shoved a man inside Dupont Circle and threatened to kill him after asking the man why he was wearing a purple shirt.

“Victim 1 believes the assault occurred because Suspect 1 believes Victim 1 is a homosexual,” the police arrest affidavit says.

Court records show prosecutors charged Malki with simple assault and threats to do bodily harm in the case. But the court records show that on Sept. 13, 2011, D.C. Superior Court Judge Stephen F. Eilperin found Malki not guilty on both charges following a non-jury trial.

The online court records do not state why the judge rendered a not guilty verdict. With the courthouse currently closed to the public and the press due to COVID-related restrictions, the Washington Blade couldn’t immediately obtain the records to determine the judge’s reason for the verdict.

In the second case, court records show Malki was arrested by D.C. police outside the Townhouse Tavern bar and restaurant at 1637 R St., N.W. on Nov. 7, 2012 for allegedly threatening one or more people with a knife after employees ordered Malki to leave the establishment for “disorderly behavior.”

At the time, the Townhouse Tavern was located next door to the gay nightclub Cobalt, which before going out of business two years ago, was located at the corner of 17th and R Streets, N.W.

The police arrest affidavit in the case says Malki allegedly pointed a knife in a threatening way at two of the tavern’s employees who blocked his path when he attempted to re-enter the tavern. The affidavit says he was initially charged by D.C. police with assault with a dangerous weapon – knife. Court records, however, show that prosecutors with the U.S. Attorney’s Office lowered the charges to two counts of simple assault. The records show that on Jan. 15, 2013, Malki pleaded guilty to the two charges as part of a plea bargain arrangement.

The records show that Judge Marissa Demeo on that same day issued a sentence of 30 days for each of the two charges but suspended all 30 days for both counts. She then sentenced Malki to one year of supervised probation for both charges and ordered that he undergo alcohol and drug testing and undergo treatment if appropriate.

In the third case prior to the 2020 and 2021 cases, court records show Malki was arrested outside the Cobalt gay nightclub on March 14, 2015 on multiple counts of simple assault, attempted assault with a dangerous weapon – knife, possession of a prohibited weapon – knife, and unlawful entry.

The arrest affidavit says an altercation started on the sidewalk outside the bar when for unknown reasons, Malki grabbed a female customer who was outside smoking and attempted to pull her toward him. When her female friend came to her aid, Malki allegedly got “aggressive” by threatening the woman and “removed what appeared to be a knife from an unknown location” and pointed it at the woman’s friend in a threatening way, the affidavit says.

It says a Cobalt employee minutes later ordered Malki to leave the area and he appeared to do so. But others noticed that he walked toward another entrance door to Cobalt and attempted to enter the establishment knowing he had been ordered not to return because of previous problems with his behavior, the affidavit says. When he attempted to push away another employee to force his way into Cobalt, Malki fell to the ground during a scuffle and other employees held him on the ground while someone else called D.C. police.

Court records show that similar to all of Malki’s arrests, a judge released him while awaiting trial and ordered him to stay away from Cobalt and all of those he was charged with threatening and assaulting.

The records show that on Sept. 18, 2015, Malki agreed to a plea bargain offer by prosecutors in which all except two of the charges – attempted possession of a prohibited weapon and simple assault – were dropped. Judge Alfred S. Irving Jr. on Oct. 2, 2015 sentenced Malki to 60 days of incarnation for each of the two charges but suspended all but five days, which he allowed Malki to serve on weekends, the court records show.

The judge ordered that the two five-day jail terms could be served concurrently, meaning just five days total would be served, according to court records. The records also show that Judge Irving sentenced Malki to one year of supervised probation for each of the two counts and ordered that he enter an alcohol treatment program and stay away from Cobalt.

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