Commentary
‘Did this really just happen to me?’
Cuban cell phone was only link to outside world


MIAMI BEACH, Fla. ā Wednesday was to have been the first day of my seventh trip to Cuba. The country’s government put a quick end to that plan.
My American Airlines flight from Miami landed at Havana’s JosĆ© MartĆ International Airport shortly before noon. I was one of the first passengers off the plane.
There were a few dozen people ā mostly customs employees ā in the large customs hall downstairs when I approached an officer who was sitting in one of the more than a dozen booths. I said “good afternoon” to her in Spanish and handed her my passport and “tourist card” visa that I bought after I purchased my flights last month. She began to enter my information into a computer and after a couple of minutes she told me to stand behind the line at which people wait before they approach the booths.
A woman who I later realized was a customs manager ā who subordinates called “la jefa” or “the boss” in Spanish ā approached me and asked for my passport and visa. I gave them to her, and then walked over to where Cleve Jones ā a San Francisco-based activist who was to have been the grand marshal of a government-approved International Day Against Homophobia, Transphobia and Biphobia march in Havana that was cancelled earlier in the week with little explanation ā and two other Americans who were on my flight were waiting for a contact to escort them through customs. The four of us chatted for a few minutes until the customs manager called my name. I walked over to her and a male colleague with whom she was standing asked me three questions: How many times have I been to Cuba? What is my profession? What was the purpose of my trip? I answered each of the three questions and the man then told me I was not allowed to enter the country. I asked him why and the only thing he said was my name was on a list. He directed me to a row of seats near an emergency exit and I sat there with my backpack, carry-on and a plastic bag with things I bought at Miami International Airport before the flight. Someone from Jones’ group asked me what was happening, and I said something to the effect that I was not being allowed into the country. I don’t know if they heard what I said.
I used my iPhone to call my husband in D.C. and text Washington Blade editor Kevin Naff to let them know what was happening. I also used my Cuban cell phone to call a contact in Havana. The person who escorted Jones and the other two Americans through customs arrived a short time later and they left about half an hour after our flight landed. I knew I was going to be on an American Airlines flight to Miami that was scheduled to leave at 7 p.m., but I asked the customs manager to confirm this information and to tell me why the government had refused to allow me to enter the country. She said she didn’t know and apologized to me. She also asked me if I wanted any water or food. I thanked her; but said no because I had a full water bottle, snacks and half a breakfast sandwich from Miami with me. I asked her if I could use the restroom. She said yes and I walked over by myself.
The thought of spending more than six hours in a Cuban airport was dreadful, but I was not overly scared because I had not been formally detained and the customs manager was doing what she could to keep me comfortable. I spent the next couple of hours walking back and forth to the restroom, pacing around the customs hall, using my iPhone’s notes app to write the Blade’s article about what happened and talking to a man from Angola who was not allowed to enter Cuba after he arrived on a flight from Panama. I also called a contact in Havana and told them I was “bored out of my mind.”
A contact in the U.S. called my iPhone at around 3 p.m., and I began to tell them what was happening. The customs manager and the same male colleague who told me I was not allowed to enter Cuba approached me about 15 minutes later and told me I could not use cell phones in the customs hall, even though several of their colleagues were using theirs. The customs manager then told me to turn off my iPhone and give it to her. She then told me she would keep it with my passport and give them back to me before I boarded my flight to Miami.
I felt even more disconnected from the world after they took my iPhone, but I still had my Cuban cell phone. I muted the ringer, placed it into the hat I was wearing and used it to text the contact in Havana with whom I was in contact and to and Maykel GonzĆ”lez Vivero, publisher of Tremenda Nota, the Blade’s media partner in Cuba. I also took my travel journal out of my backpack and began to write down what was happening. At 3:59 p.m. I wrote “awaiting deportation from Cuba.” I also noted a young male customs employee about 20 minutes earlier walked me upstairs to the departures lounge and allowed me to buy bottles of water and a coffee with Cuban pesos I had from my last trip to the country earlier this year. I wrote in my journal he told me, “I don’t like politics when (we) talked about Trump.” I bought an extra bottle of water for the Angolan man who was sitting next to me downstairs and gave him some of the cookies and dried fruit and nuts I had with me.
The air conditioning was not very strong and it was 90 degrees outside, but I was otherwise comfortable over the next two hours as I waited for my flight back to Miami. At around 6:30 p.m. the customs manager called me over to an elevator. She gave me back my passport and iPhone, handed me my boarding pass and escorted me to the gate. She handed my passport and boarding pass to a gate agent and told a male airport employee to escort me onto the plane. The customs manager said thank you to me as I entered the jet way.
I was the first person to board the plane, which made me feel extremely self-conscious because I was escorted past a group of elderly people in wheelchairs who would have normally boarded well before a 37-year-old man with no health and/or mobility issues. The person who escorted me onto the plane told me before I left customs that American had upgraded me to business class. I sat down in my seat and thought to myself, “Did this really just happen to me?”
I called my husband, Naff and my Havana contact and let them know I was about to leave Cuba. The onboard WiFi allowed me to connect to the Internet, write Facebook and Twitter posts about what happened and text contacts who were able to receive iMessages. I remained on the Internet during the safety demonstration video and take off that a thunderstorm south of the airport made extremely turbulent. The flight landed in Miami shortly after 8 p.m. and I was able to call my mother in New Hampshire and let my relatives know what had happened. A U.S. Customs and Border Protection agent in customs flagged me for a “hard” interview, but it turned out to be nothing more than a simple passport check. I cleared customs in less than 10 minutes and walked downstairs to baggage claim where I retrieved my suitcase that had been damaged. I reserved a rental car, drove to Miami Beach and arrived at a hotel on Collins Avenue I found online shortly after 9:30 p.m.
Coverage of LGBTI issues in Cuba will continue
I first traveled to Cuba in 2015 to cover government-approved IDAHOBiT events. Blade Photo Editor Michael Key and I in 2017 received press visas from the Cuban government that allowed us to cover that year’s IDAHOBiT commemorations in Havana as credentialed journalists. The Cuban government has also allowed me to enter the country with a “tourist card” three times ā the most recent time on Feb. 28 ā with no questions asked.
I have reported across Cuba over the last four years, from Santiago de Cuba in the east to Pinar del Rio in the west.
I have interviewed pro-government and independent activists and have become friends with many of them. I have interviewed vocal critics of the government in Cuba. I have published photo essays and recorded dozens of videos that document life on the island. I am also all too aware of the Cuban government’s human rights record and its treatment of journalists, regardless of who they may be or the credentials they may have.
Yariel ValdĆ©s GonzĆ”lez, a Blade contributor from Cuba, has asked for asylum in the U.S. because of the persecution he said he faced in his homeland because he is a journalist. The Cuban government blocked access to Tremenda Nota’s website on the island on the eve of the Feb. 24 referendum on a new constitution that once promised to extend marriage rights to same-sex couples. Authorities detained GonzĆ”lez in October 2016 as he was covering the aftermath of Hurricane Matthew in the city of Baracoa in eastern Cuba and again in September 2017 while reporting on preparations ahead of Hurricane Irma in his hometown of Sagua la Grande in Villa Clara province.
Authorities on Wednesday detained Luz Escobar, a reporter for 14ymedio, a website founded by Yoani SĆ”nchez, a journalist who is a vocal critic of the Cuban government, for several hours after she tried to interview Havana residents who were displaced by a freak tornado that tore through parts of the city on Jan. 27. The contact in Havana with whom I had been speaking from customs told me about Escobar’s arrest after I boarded my flight to Miami. The U.S. Embassy in Havana also tweeted about it.
Notamos que @Luz_Cuba fue liberada. Muy buena noticia pero no deberia haber sido detenida, en primer lugar. #TodosSomosLuz #LibertadDePrensa #Cuba
ā Embajada EE.UU. Cuba (@USEmbCuba) May 8, 2019
I tagged Cuban President Miguel DĆaz-Canel and other government entities in a Tweet that asks for additional information about why I was prevented from entering the country. I have not received a response, and am not holding my breath for one.
Los funcionarios al Aeropuerto Internacional JosĆ© MartĆ no me dieron ninguna explanaciĆ³n sobre la decisiĆ³n del gobierno cubano de prevenirme de entrar el paĆs. ĀæTienen informaciĆ³n que pueden compartir conmigo? @CastroEspinM @DiazCanelB @CubaMINREX @USEmbCuba @EmbaCubaEEUU
ā Michael K. Lavers (@mklavers81) May 9, 2019
I know there are increased concerns over an IDAHOBiT march that independent activists have said they plan to hold in Havana on Saturday. I know from Tremenda Nota and other independent Cuban media outlets the country’s economic situation has grown even more dire since I was last in Cuba less than three months ago. I also know President Trump last week threatened to impose a “full and complete embargo” and additional sanctions against Cuba over its continued support of Venezuelan President NicolĆ”s Maduro.
The last two days have been quite surreal, and I continue to process what happened in Havana. I am quite uncomfortable with the fact that I find myself at the center of a story about a country for which I have a deep affection. I also want to avoid the politics and rhetoric over U.S. policy towards Cuba.
I am so incredibly fortunate to have had the opportunity to travel to Cuba over the last four years, to have had the chance to meet many of the island’s LGBTI activists and to have developed lifelong friendships. These feelings ā and my commitment to continue my coverage of LGBTI issues in Cuba ā have not changed.
Commentary
Survivors of sex crimes are unsung heroes
Taking trauma and turning it to their advantage

(Editorās note: This is the second of a two-part story. Click here to read the first installment.)
Last month, I started watching āThe X-files.ā
For the most part I loved the show, with Agents Scully and Mulder as the primary reasons why. Yet what I found most frustrating was watching their investigations. As early as episode one, set in a small town of scared people guarded by scary men, Agent Scully proposed coincidences while Agent Mulder proposed aliens. Despite the episode having ācultā written all over it, both agents seemed none the wiser.
Recently, I learned the FBI has an open process for writers and other creatives to learn how the agency works. I also discovered the FBI has a history of monitoring writers. In fact, the FBI is about as image-conscious as your typical D.C. gay, making me wonder how the āX-Filesā moved forward with little pushback. Thatās about as interesting as UFOs being discovered in New Mexico as we tested the atomic bomb.
But if youāre reading this, you likely want me to shut up about the āX-Filesā and get back to my story. When I left off, my friend had disappeared and my work cleared me of any wrongdoing. That said, I was mysteriously fired in September 2022ānearly a year after the initial incidentāand just six weeks after my boss learned that I wrote books.
The process of my firing was strange, to say the least. First and foremost, I was never given a reason. To this day it remains a mystery. My now-former employerāa high-profile lobbying firmāthen bullied me into signing an NDA to access my severance.
By the way, I negotiated up. While I donāt know what I did, I had a feeling I had that power. I was right.
Just prior to the firing, they asked me to bring in my laptop so they could download my files. This rang an alarm for me, primarily because they never gave me a laptop. So, they wanted me to bring in my personal laptop. As a writer with original materials, I reasonably asked what constituted a work file. I never received an answer.
Coincidentally, I met my ex-boyfriend exactly one week before I got fired. He is the same ex-boyfriend from my religion piece, in which I mentioned he fell into hard times. Specifically, I was referring to concerning signs I spotted last April, primarily on the gay apps, and with memories of the last boy still fresh on my mind, I refused to let another slip from my grasp.
So, what did I do? I dove headfirst into hell in a messy attempt to rescue him. After playing this new game of cat-and-mouse in which I was said mouse, allow me to share what I learned: Over the course of several months, I spotted sketchy characters at my exās placeācharacters I suspected dealt hard drugs, which was highly out of character for him. Moreover, I found online accounts promoting extremely suspect pornography and, yes, pimping services on X (formerly Twitter), some of which looked a lot like my ex. While I didnāt know what exactly was happening, I knew something was off, but when I confronted my ex, he denied it.
Being the stubborn asshole that I am, I decided to check these sketchy characters out for myself. It turns out I was spot on about their sketchiness. I learned they not only drug unsuspecting young men in a coordinated manner, but once drugged they sexually violate them andāif drugged enoughābegin recording videos. Itās all made to look random yet safe; for example, there always seems to be a nurse in the group who is āexperiencedā in administering needles.
Once I had proof these people were unsafe, I took further action for my ex. In mid-November, I reached out to someone in his personal life, which was a tough decision since he was closeted. I was strategic and chose someone who knew he was bisexual, and after connecting with her on Instagram, spoke on the phone with her the next morning. Upon hearing my concerns, she agreed based on her own observations.
Apparently, she spotted signs of him being physically harmed over the summer. She and I spoke for hours on end about the situation and how we could help him. Then, just a week later, I lost contact with her and my ex. I havenāt heard from either since.
I eventually grew concerned enough to contact the police and the FBI. In the meantime, particularly following my trauma article, sex workers approached me to share their storiesāprimarily stories of rape and abuse alongside a power structure rooted in it. As for those who try to oppose this system? Theyāre often written off as mentally ill.
I donāt know about you, but I refuse to live in a world where young queers are shepherded into this system. Thatās the opposite of what I envision for the queer community.
Mid-Atlantic Leather weekend arrived in January, along with more sex workers. Once again, some approached me to share their storiesāabout their aspirations, about their art, about their perspectives on the world. And once again, about the system of abuse designed against them from the start. I heard stories of young boys raped by their fathers, or friends of their fathers, or about the drugs used to coerce them into sexual activity. Sadly, just like a UFO witness, they are usually written off and never taken seriously, especially if they have a record of drug abuse or mental illness. Seems to be a pattern, doesnāt it?
That said, these men are not solely victims. If anything, they took their trauma and turned it to their advantage. Iād like to take this moment to thank them. Theyāre unsung heroesāeach and every oneāin a nation that often shames them.
Yet as proud as I am of these sex workers, my heart was equally broken. These stories were painful to hear, to say the least. I quickly grew paranoid of people around me, even friends at times. There were other times I sat alone in my apartment, bawling over the men I had lost, along with the pain others had experienced. This only strengthened my resolve to end it.Ā
To top this all off, my final discovery came just two months ago. Turns out thereās an X account publicly teasing me about this entire affair. The account even references this column and, according to the receipts, started well before I noticed concerning signs about my ex in the first place.
Hello there, dear X account. It appears youāve been observing me. Consider this my proverbial tapping back on the glass.
Wowāthere seems to be a lot of time, energy, and effort spent on little ole me. Why is that, I wonder? Iāve mentioned before Iām just a measly little barback who has been fired twice. Although looking back, those firings were strange too, werenāt they?
Is it the abuse I uncovered? Is it the details of my loverās past? Is it something I wrote? Is it a combination of the three? And is it possible that the little dark cloud thatās been following me in D.C. is more intentional than I once thought?
I may never learn the truth on my own, but I can pose another question: whatās the only thing scarier than UFOs? To me thereās just one answer: that UFOs were never real in the first place. Occasionally, answers to unsettling mysteries simply unearth more unsettling mysteries.
I mentioned before in this column that I arrived to D.C. naĆÆve about the world, perhaps just as naĆÆve as Agents Scully and Mulder. Yet in my naivetĆ© I tripped on something: the rot hiding beneath the surface of our nationās capital. No, it isnāt coincidence. It isnāt aliens, either. But whatever it is, I alone cannot identify it.
Throughout my time uncovering this story, Iāve come across friends, acquaintances, and even relatives who suffered abuse, along with threats or shaming to keep them quiet. They come from all races, creeds, backgrounds, and orientations, and as it turns out, some of the infrastructure of power in D.C. and in towns across this nation are built around it. While Iām ready to tear it down, this isnāt just my story. I might be the one starting it, but itās not on me to finish.
The most I can do is hand the pen over to the victims. Iāve shared my part. Now itās their turn. As for the audience: I hope youāre now ready to start believing.
Jake Stewart is a D.C.-based writer and barback.
Commentary
The evolution of visibility: D.C. Pride 1990-1997
Efforts to include trans, bi identities intensify

In conjunction with WorldPride 2025, the Rainbow History Project is creating an exhibit on the evolution of Pride: āPickets, Protests, and Parades: The History of Gay Pride in Washington.ā It will be on Freedom Plaza from May 17 through July 7. This is the seventh in a series of 10 articles that will share the research themes and invite public participation. In āThe Evolution of Visibilityā we discuss how by the 1990s victories from Gay Pride grew into more groups calling for more types of events to celebrate more identities under the rainbow.
In 1988, due to a lack of inclusiveness and financial problems, the P Street Festival Committee dissolved itself and Gay and Lesbian Pride of Washington took up the mantle of organizing Pride. Gay women solidified their distinct identity as lesbians and oftentimes ālesbianā began to appear in front of the word gay at events. However, the conservative politics of Reaganās 1980s and the AIDS pandemic had presented a public perception of the homosexual community as largely white and male despite the way AIDS ravaged Black and Brown communities and the role of lesbian leadership in responding to the crisis.

According to her Rainbow History Project oral history, Carlene Cheatam was aware that āmost of the people in the Black gay and lesbian community [were] in the closetā and knowing that a Pride organized by the P Street Festival without her would be overwhelmingly white, she sought to make space for African Americans in the gay community. Several efforts grew out of The Clubhouse, a popular Black-owned after-hours dance club in regards to the need for funds to support care of Black people suffering from AIDS. Those efforts led to the first Black Lesbian and Gay Pride Day on Memorial Day Weekend, 1991. Under Cheatam, and co-founders Welmore Cook, Theodore Kirkland, and Ernest Hopkins, Black Pride made space for African American gays and lesbians, and raised money to help AIDS service organizations.
Despite the turnout of nearly 1,000 people, and that D.C. was a majority Black city, “initial criticisms surfaced [in 1991] that we were being separatists,” one of the organizers told Gay Community News. The 1990s were characterized by an increasing diversity within the gay community, there was an ever growing number of people with a multiplicity of sexual and racial identities, all of whom wanted visibility and celebration.
ENLACE, the first Latino/a gay and lesbian association was created to make space for and represent the Latin American and Caribbean gay community. In addition to sponsoring social events and the only Spanish-language hotline for gays and lesbians, ENLACE also educated the gay community about AIDS and worked within the Latino communities on issues of homophobia. ENLACE marched not only in the gay Pride parades, but also in the Latino community events. Support for ENLACE grew after the murder of Ana Maria Rosales, who was shot and killed on Jan. 7, 1993, in what many believed was a crime driven by racism and homophobia.
The Lesbian Avengers organized the worldās first Dyke March on the eve of the April 1993 March on Washington for Lesbian, Gay and Bi Equal Rights and Liberation. About 20,000 women marched against anti-gay bills, and for grassroots organizing, and awareness of womenās issues.

Transgender and bisexual people also lobbied to be included in Pride, more than just in name only. Transgender support groups and activist organizations were created in tandem during the 1990s. The Bisexual Centrist Alliance and Jeffrey Pendleton, a gay and transgender man, joined forces to create a separate Pride Festival to protest bi and trans exclusion from the Pride title and literature. The Transsexual Menaces demonstrated at Judiciary Square during the Stonewall 25 anniversary. Robin Margolis and other bi and trans coalition activists, assisted by members of various gay and lesbian organizations, held a Diversity Pride picnic in Rock Creek Park on June 10, 1996.
Rainbow History Projectās exhibit centers the voices of the event organizers, includes dissenting opinions on Pride, and highlights the intersections with other movements for equal rights and liberation. We need your help to tell our story! If you have any images and input contact us and get involved!
Vincent Slatt is the senior curator for the Rainbow History Project.
Commentary
US funding freeze exacerbates flood aftermath for LGBTQ Batswana
Natural disaster has left several dead, impacted thousands

On Thursday, Feb. 20, we commemorated World Social Justice Day amidst an unprecedented flooding crisis that devastated homes and families across Botswana. We had to remind Batswana of the importance of consistency in ensuring justice for everyone. Even in times of crisis; poor urban planning, drainage systems and property workmanship have led to disruption, impacting over 2,900 lives and the loss of at least seven by Saturday morning. Schools were closed and government staff working in shifts reminded me of the COVID-19 pandemic where prolonged stays at home increased vulnerabilities for women and children in their diversity, mental health deteriorated, gender-based violence increased and longstanding health inequities worsened. These are the realities of those in rural areas living with HIV and those with disabilities even when there is no crisis.Ā
President Trump’s executive orders have further aggravated the situation.
Key populations at risk of HIV, LGBTI and sex workers, no longer have nondiscriminatory targeted health provisions or indirectly, emergency response measures through intermediary funders from civil society office shut downs and budget cuts to explicit exclusions of any diverse groupsāmost notably, transgender and gender diverse folks like myself. Close friends no longer have homes or furniture. Sporadic electricity and water cuts are the order of the day even in unaffected areas, going as long as two days without either. Unsurprisingly, there are no queer emergency funds or digital individual giving infrastructure, or dedicated philanthropic efforts to rise to the occasion. A true reflection of the paradox of a higher middle income country. An economic classification that has led to perpetual declines in overseas development assistance and the assumption of a thriving democracy. I often ask myself, a thriving democracy for who?
When COVID-19 vaccines first arrived, they were held in a private residence for the elite to be vaccinated. When our constitutional review bill was tabled before the 12th parliament, there were protests against the inclusion of intersex protections. When we first had floods in January, the more underserved and impoverished areas were impacted. There were no nationwide initiatives for donations from the business community as we do now, concentrated in the capital city. Gaborone. It seems we did not learn from previous cyclones, floods, tremors or pandemics domestically or regionally. Every day, I am reminded of how unequal and unjust my country is. Despite a change in government, I still got pulled from an interview on national television less than five minutes from the shooting schedule. I am left to question whether itās my gender identity, expression or not carrying the right kind of surname? The topic had already been approved and the channel staff reached out to me directly for a conversation on sex work within the queer community in rural settings.
A thriving democracy does not leave you questioning your dignity and personhood. It ensures transparency and accountability as a part of its culture. A higher middle income country takes care of all its people, not just the elite. Social protections, universal health coverage, diversity and inclusion are not afterthoughts. Anchored in political will, the respect in the indivisibility of human rights trumps the bare minimum of the rule of law. However, my country only reflects the global geopolitc: A world where power and equality are defined by economic, social, military and financial capital. One that continues to draw from the planet, working poor, and othered without shame or repercussions. It’s a power that Toni Morrison spoke of as a profound neurosis on a Charlie Rose interview. Explaining that those who abuse power are bereft. Void of seeing others as human or with any empathy. Whilst she might have been focusing on racism as a social and institutional construct, I understand now: That the hubris of fear [or phobia] can only resort to violence, subjugation and abuse of office. That it is a reflection of poor upbringing, self indignity and a lack of humanity in oneself.
As our exclusion is institutionalised, one understands that we are truly powerful. National architecture redirected and prioritised towards us. National attention, laws and inhumanity towards us for merely existing. Whilst it may trigger trauma and injustice; it also propels our existence as resistance. It unearths the insecurity that dictators and tyrants in offices and government alike, have to face when sitting with themselves at the end of each day. Having to account for their shortcomings and inadequacy despite being wealthy and in power. They are intellectually deficient and denied any morality just as imagination. A prison of oneself, where they are the center of the world, but really arenāt. It is an abyss, a plateau that only knows growth in exploitative profits and never in personhood. Defaced from any identity, history and cultureāvoid of kindness to oneself. So they try to take these away from us instead. This is why I believe all is not lost. As we write, sing, and share our stories, as we connect beyond borders and binaries. We rejoice in meeting our peers in solidarity, reminding each other that we cannot be silenced or erased. From shared resilience to shared joy in our activism, VĆ”clav Havel’s words ring true: āHope is not the conviction that something will turn out well, but the certainty that something is worth doing no matter how it turns out.āĀ
Dumi Gatsha is a consultant and founder of Success Capital Organization, a grassroots NGO working in the nexus of human rights and sustainable development at grassroots, regional, and global levels.