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Gay Republican weighs run for president in 2012

Veteran GOP operative exposed Mormon links to Prop 8

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Fred Karger, who is considering a run for president, founded Californians Against Hate, an independent group that waged a media campaign disclosing what Karger called a secret effort by the Mormon Church to bankroll Prop 8 and similar measures in other states. (Photo by and courtesy of Adam Bouska)

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A longtime GOP political operative who is credited with helping to develop the political attack ads that sunk the 1988 presidential campaign of Democrat Michael Dukakis says heā€™s seriously considering running for president in 2012 as an openly gay Republican.

Laguna Beach, Calif., resident Fred Karger, 60, has formed a presidential campaign exploratory committee andĀ isĀ ā€œtesting the watersā€ by campaigning in Iowa and New Hampshire, the first two states to hold a presidential nominating caucus or primary.

ā€œMy thirty-five years of experience as a fighter in politics places me in a unique position to run,ā€ Karger said in an April news conference when he announced his interest in running for president.

ā€œI have worked on nine presidential campaigns. This would be my tenth,ā€ he said. ā€œI have managed dozens of other campaigns all over the country, and would bring that wealth of experience to my own candidacy.ā€

Should Karger officially declare his candidacy, his status as an out gay presidential contender is likely to pose a dilemma for many gay activists aligned with both the Republican and Democratic parties.

In his campaign literature he makes it clear he would be a strong and vocal advocate for the entire LGBT movementā€™s agenda. Among other things, he favors same-sex marriage equality, passage of a congressional non-discrimination bill for LGBT people, and repeal of both the ā€˜Donā€™t Ask, Donā€™t Tellā€™ law and the anti-gay Defense of Marriage Act, which bars the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages.

But for years, before coming out as gay, Karger helped Republicans ā€“ some who opposed LGBT-related legislation ā€” win elections as a behind-the-scenes operative with the Dolphin Group, a California-based GOP campaign consulting firm. The firm specialized in creating negative TV ads targeting Democrats.

In 1986, Karger played a key role in a media campaign targeting three liberal California judges by lining up grieving parents whose children were murdered by death row inmates, according to a report by the Sacramento Bee. The three judges, who had a record of overturning death sentences, lost their re-election bids under Californiaā€™s system of electing judges, with the campaign orchestrated by Karger and his firm being credited for their defeat.

Two years later, in the midst of the 1988 presidential election, Karger worked with the campaign of then Vice President George H.W. Bush to develop the now famous ā€œWillie Hortonā€ campaign against Democratic challenger Michael Dukakis, the then governor of Massachusetts.

Sacramento Bee senior editor Dan Morain reported in a profile of Karger earlier this year that Karger lined up family members of victims of Horton, a convicted murderer who committed a rape while released on furlough from the Massachusetts prison system during Dukakisā€™s tenure as governor.

ā€œKarger used the Horton story to help to thwart Dukakisā€™ presidential bid and elect George H.W. Bush,ā€ Morain wrote in his profile.

Karger says he remained deep in the closet during those years. Although he considers himself a moderate Rockefeller-style Republican, he acknowledges his work helped elect conservative Republicans across the country, including President Ronald Reagan.

Now he says heā€™s poised to become an outspoken advocate for LGBT causes through the national platform of a presidential campaign.

Karger became involved in gay rights causes in 2006 following his retirement from the political consulting business. And when anti-gay leaders launched their campaign to kill Californiaā€™s same-sex marriage law in 2008 through Proposition 8, Karger jumped head first into the fray ā€” this time on the side of LGBT advocacy groups that opposed the marriage ballot measure.

Using his skills as a campaign organizer, Karger pored over campaign finance records for the committee leading the campaign in favor of Prop 8 and discovered huge amounts of campaign funds for the committee came from people with links to the Mormon Church.

He quickly founded Californians Against Hate, an independent group that waged a media campaign disclosing what Karger called a clandestine effort by the Mormon Church to bankroll Prop 8 and other campaigns across the country opposing same-sex marriage and LGBT rights legislation.

Among Kargerā€™s targets was the anti-gay National Organization for Marriage, which he described as a Mormon front group aimed at killing same-sex marriage through ballot measures in California, Maine and other states.

Although voters approved Prop 8 and the Maine ballot measure, Karger has been credited with forcing NOM to spend large sums of money to fight off campaign finance investigations and complaints initiated by Californians Against Hate before governmental bodies that monitor campaign financing.

NOM leaders denied Kargerā€™s allegations during the Prop 8 campaign and later subpoenaed him to testify in proceedings called to determine whether NOM was required to disclose the names of its contributors. Karger called the subpoenas an attempt to intimidate him.

Like all of the well-known prospective GOP presidential candidates, such as former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich, and 2008 vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin, Karger has yet to officially declare his candidacy. Due to Federal Election Commission rules, he ā€“ like the others ā€“ must walk a fine line between expressing interest in running and saying openly that he will run.

However, Karger has appeared many times this year in Iowa and New Hampshire. Last month, he ran a TV commercial on New Hampshireā€™s largest television station introducing himself as a possible GOP candidate.

His immediate strategy, he says, is to build up enough name recognition to gain access to the GOP presidential debates and forums in Iowa and New Hampshire, where he would be observed by a nationwide TV audience alongside the better-known candidates.

An official with the New Hampshire Republican Party said TV stations and civic groups in the state historically have used their sole discretion in choosing which candidates to invite to appear in debates during the presidential primaries. An independent bipartisan commission determines which candidates to invite for presidential debates in the general election, but no such body exists for the primaries and caucuses.

Karger compares his possible run for the presidency to the 1972 presidential candidacy of Rep. Shirley Chisholm (D-N.Y.), who became the first serious black and female candidate for president.

ā€œHer campaign paved the way for Jesse Jacksonā€™s presidential campaigns in 1984 and 1988, and the election of Barack Obama as our 44th president in 2008,ā€ Karger said.

ā€œOur movement, I think, needs new blood and I think it needs somebody at that level, someone to be in those debates who is openly gay, not just a fierce advocate, someone who has walked the walk,ā€ he said.

ā€œAnd I will be in those debates. Iā€™m a fighter and I have a strategy and itā€™s being implemented.ā€

Christian Berle, deputy executive director of the national LGBT group Log Cabin Republicans, said the group welcomes Kargerā€™s candidacy but could not comment on whether the group would consider endorsing him. Berle noted that Karger is a Log Cabin member.

ā€œHis presence in the race will raise the level of discourse on equality issues in the Republican primary,ā€ Berle said. ā€œWhen Fred joins the Republican debates in Iowa and New Hampshire, he will represent the core conservative principles of individual liberty and freedom for all Americans on which our party was founded.ā€

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Federal judge blocks Trump’s order restricting gender-affirming care for youth

Seven families with transgender, nonbinary children challenged directive

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President Donald Trump (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

A federal judge on Thursday issued a temporary restraining order that blocks President Donald Trump’s Jan. 29 executive order restricting access to gender-affirming health care for transgender people under age 19.

The order by Judge Brendan Hurson of the U.S. District Court for the District of Maryland, who was appointed by former President Joe Biden, came in response to a request from the plaintiffs in a lawsuit, filed on Feb. 4, against Trump’s directive.

The plaintiffs are seven families with trans or nonbinary children. They are represented by PFLAG National, GMLA, Lambda Legal, the American Civil Liberties Union, the ACLU of Maryland, and the law firms Hogan Lovells and Jenner & Block.

Hurson’s temporary restraining order will halt enforcement of Trump’s order for 14 days, but it can be extended. This means health care providers and medical institutions can provide gender-affirming care to minor patients without the risk of losing federal funding.

Families in the lawsuit say their appointments were cancelled shortly after the executive order was issued. Hospitals in Colorado, Virginia, and D.C. stopped providing prescriptions for puberty blockers, hormone therapy, and other interventions for trans patients as they evaluated Trump’s directive.

The harms associated with suddenly withholding access to medical care for these patients were a major focus of Thursday’s hearing on the plaintiffs’ request for the temporary restraining order.

The president’s ā€œorder seems to deny that this population even exists, or deserves to exist,ā€ Hurson said, noting the elevated risk of suicide, poverty, addiction, and other hardships among trans people.

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Trumpā€™s trans erasure arrives at National Park Service

Fate of major 2016 LGBTQ Theme Study unclear

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NYC Pride participants in front of the Stonewall Inn in 2019. (File photo by Andrew Nasonov)

President Trumpā€™s efforts at erasing trans identity intensified this week as employees at the National Park Service were instructed to remove the ā€œTā€ and ā€œQā€ from ā€œLGBTQā€ from all internal and external communications.

The change was first noticed on the website of the Stonewall National Monument; trans people of color were integral to the events at Stonewall, which is widely viewed as the kickoff of the modern LGBTQ rights movement. The Stonewall National Monument is the first U.S. national monument dedicated to LGBTQ rights and history.

Reaction to that move was swift. New York City Council member Erik Bottcher wrote, ā€œThe Trump administration has erased transgender people from the Stonewall National Monument website. We will not allow them to erase the very existence of our siblings. We are one community!!ā€

But what most didnā€™t realize is that the removal of the ā€œTā€ and ā€œQā€ (for transgender and queer) extends to all National Park Service and Interior Department communications, raising concerns that the move could jeopardize future LGBTQ monuments and project work.

The Blade reached out to the National Park Service for comment on the trans erasure and received a curt response that the agency is implementing Trumpā€™s executive order ā€œDefending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Governmentā€ as well as agency directives to end all DEI initiatives.

The question being debated internally now, according to a knowledgable source, is what to do with a massive LGBTQ Theme Study, which as of Feb. 14 was still available on the NPS website. In 2014, the Gill Foundation recognized an omission of historic LGBTQ sites in the nationā€™s records, and the organization made a grant to the National Park Service to commission a first-of-its-kind LGBTQ Theme Study, which was published in 2016. It was a landmark project that represented major progress for the LGBTQ community in having our contributions included in the broader American story, something that is becoming increasingly difficult given efforts like ā€œDonā€™t Say Gayā€ laws that ban the teaching of LGBTQ topics in schools.

A source told the Blade that National Park Service communications staff suggested that removing chapters of the 2016 Theme Study that pertain to transgender people might placate anti-trans political appointees. But one employee pushed back on that, suggesting instead that the entire Theme Study be removed. Editing the document to remove one communityā€™s contributions and perspective violates the academic intent of the project, according to the source. A final decision on how to proceed is expected soon. 

Meanwhile, a protest is planned for Friday, Feb. 14 at noon at Christopher Park in New York City (7th Ave. S. and Christopher Street). The protest is being planned by staff at the Stonewall Inn. 

ā€œThe Stonewall Inn and The Stonewall Inn Gives Back Initiative are outraged and appalled by the recent removal of the word ā€˜transgenderā€™ from the Stonewall National Monument page on the National Park Service website,ā€ the groups said in a statement. ā€œLet us be clear: Stonewall is transgender history. Marsha P. Johnson, Sylvia Rivera, and countless other trans and gender-nonconforming individuals fought bravely, and often at great personal risk, to push back against oppressive systems. Their courage, sacrifice, and leadership were central to the resistance we now celebrate as the foundation of the modern LGBTQ+ rights movement.ā€

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Victory Institute executive director speaks about movement response to Trump 2.0

Advocacy groups will lead efforts to push back against anti-LGBTQ administration

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LGBTQ Victory Institute Executive Director Elliot Imse speaks at the International LGBTQ Leaders Conference on Dec. 1, 2022. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

President Donald Trumpā€™s issuance of a series of executive orders targeting transgender rights and LGBTQ-inclusive diversity programs on the first day of his second term was a clear signal of the new administrationā€™s appetite for going after queer and gender diverse people.Ā 

The Jan. 20 directives also brought into focus the extent to which organizations in the LGBTQ movement, particularly those whose work includes impact litigation, will be responsible for protecting the communities they serve from harmful and discriminatory laws and policies over the next four years.

At a critical time that is likely to test the limits of their capacity, these groups are facing challenges that could restrict their access to critical resources thanks in part to the conservative movementā€™s opposition to diversity, equity, and inclusion in both government and the private sector. 

LGBTQ organizations expected federal funding for their work would dry up when the incoming administration took over, given that Trump and his allies made no secret of their plans to aggressively reshape the government including by ridding U.S. agencies of all DEI-related programs, policies, and activities.Ā 

Trump went even further, however, issuing orders to categorically freeze the disbursement of government funds tied to preexisting grants and contracts, while threatening investigations of private companies for ā€œillegalā€ policies and practices related to DEI.

Partly in response to pressure from conservative leaders and activists, over the past couple of years companies have increasingly backed away from DEI efforts including, especially, support for LGBTQ communities and causes. 

Coupled with the loss of federal funding, a decline in corporate giving to LGBTQ organizations could have devastating impacts on the communities they serve, potentially leading to cutbacks in programs and services core to their missions or imperiling their efforts to push back against a hostile regime. 

ā€œContinuing to fund our work is obviously top of mind for everyone right now,ā€ Elliot Imse, executive director of the LGBTQ+ Victory Institute, told the Washington Blade during an interview last week.Ā Ā 

The move by many private companies away from supporting LGBTQ equality has been surprising, Imse said, but ā€œwhat we know is itā€™s a very uncertain environment for corporations right now, and they are feeling out these new realities.ā€ 

On the other hand, the moment also presents an opportunity to remind businesses that commitments to DEI are good for their bottom line while rewarding companies that resist pressure to abandon their LGBTQ customers, employees, and communities, Imse said. 

ā€œThere’s a lot of courageous corporations out there, too, right now, a lot that are continuing to step up. And we need to be grateful; we need to be making purchasing decisions as a community with those corporations in mind. Every corporation that has reaffirmed its commitment to us, we need to go out and support them.ā€ 

ā€œWhile Victory Institute ā€” like all LGBTQ+ organizations ā€” is concerned about the current fundraising environment, we have a programmatic plan in place that directly addresses the realities of what is happening across the country right now,ā€ he said, with programs to support LGBTQ elected officials serving everywhere from small municipal offices to the most powerful positions in government.Ā 

A diverse pipeline of out leaders from diverse backgrounds is the best bulwark ā€œagainst attacks on our equality and democratic backsliding,ā€ Imse said. ā€œWe have a very robust programmatic plan for 2025 ā€” and we need to execute on it at this critical moment.ā€

While the Victory Institute is currently looking for funding to support the organizationā€™s international work to compensate for the loss of federal grants, Imse said the group plans to expand U.S.-based programs, maximizing their reach at a time when this work is especially critical.Ā Ā 

ā€œWeā€™re going to be in more cities than ever before. Weā€™re going to have a larger training presence than ever before, including our LGBTQ+ Public Leadership Summits, which are specifically designed to inspire and recruit LGBTQ+ people to run for office. It is essential folks reject the demoralization of the current moment and that we have more boots on the ground to support those willing to step up and run.ā€ 

He added, ā€œwe are hopeful that we will be able to raise the money we need to carry these programs out, and we believe we can make the case to donors that these programs are an essential path forward.ā€ 

At the same time, Imse acknowledged that LGBTQ groups, including the Victory Institute, are in a difficult position at the moment and ā€œweā€™ll absolutely have to adjust if we see a downturn in fundraising throughout the year.ā€

ā€œit’s going to be an uphill battle, there’s no doubt about that. Like all other organizations, we’re going to watch the numbers and adjust as necessary,ā€ he said, adding, ā€œthe people we have at our organization are what makes our organization strong ā€” their expertise, their relationships, the networks that they’ve built.ā€ 

And while he said ā€œmaking sure that we meet the moment is something that keeps me up at night,ā€ Imse stressed that “figuring out how to balance the reality we are in versus optimism is something that is on everyone’s mind as you talk to LGBTQ+ community members, your staff, your fundersā€ who recognize that ā€œyou must have hope, because if people back away from our equality at this moment, it’ll be much worse than even the situation weā€™re in right now.ā€

There is no shortage of good reasons to hold onto hope, Imse said. ā€œOur movement has always thrived in moments of crisis. While weā€™d prefer no crisis, it refocuses us. It motivates us. And oftentimes leads to breakthroughs that we may not have had otherwise. It destroys complacency. It instills urgency.ā€

After Trump took office and the new Congress was sated with GOP majorities in both chambers, LGBTQ groups whose work includes lobbying or government relations understood their ability to influence policy at the federal level would be limited, at least until Democratic allies have the opportunity to retake control of the House in 2026.Ā 

The Victory Institute was especially well positioned to shift away from Washington, Imse said, because state legislatures, city councils, and school boards have always been the organizationā€™s ā€œbread and butterā€ and the elections for these positions ā€œtruly matterā€ even if they are less ā€œhigh profileā€ than U.S. congressional races.Ā 

ā€œWhen we’re talking about opportunities to make progress in the near future, opportunities to launch a successful offense and defense, it is in these legislative bodies,ā€ he said. ā€œAnd they arguably make more impact on individualsā€™ lives than the federal government does.ā€

Imse added this is especially true with regard to opportunities for legislative action to support LGBTQ Americans and defend their rights, which is unlikely to happen on Capitol Hill for a ā€œlong time.ā€ 

It is especially important now that LGBTQ communities and organizations support each other, he said. 

LGBTQ movement groups, particularly those with international focus, ā€œhave been phenomenal in bringing us together and trying to find out whatā€™s been done, keeping us up to date on potential litigation opportunities, as well as looking for funders that are willing to step up at this absolutely critical moment in our movementā€™s history,ā€ Imse said. 

ā€œWe also need our community to step up in terms of supporting these organizations,ā€ he said, ā€œfinancially through resources and capacity and giving their time, because that’s the only way we’re going to be able to move forward effectively.ā€

It is ā€œimportant that our community members remain active, engaged, and involved, and that our LGBTQ+ media continues to ensure our stories are being told,ā€ Imse said, adding, ā€œEspecially right now, this is an entire movement ecosystem that is working to make sure whatever backsliding is about to occur is not permanent.ā€

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