News
Where does the LGBT movement go in 2014?
More battles, victories anticipated this year in the aftermath of historic 2013
New advancements on LGBT rights are expected in 2014 in the aftermath of a milestone year in 2013. (Photo of the Winter Olympics public domain; Washington Blade photos of John Boehner, Sean Eldridge and activists in front of the Supreme Court by Michael Key)
Although 2013 will be a tough act to follow in terms of achievements for the LGBT community, some advocates say significant new battles and potential victories are on the horizon for 2014.
Additional court rulings on marriage and the upcoming Olympic Games in Sochi will attract attention, but the focus will also be on the lead-up to the mid-term elections in November 2014. Voters are expected to decide the issue of marriage equality at the ballot and make decisions in candidate elections that would shape LGBT rights in the future.
Next month, all eyes will be on the Winter Olympics to see what impact gay athletes coming to compete in Sochi, Russia, might have on the anti-gay laws there, including the now notorious law prohibiting pro-gay propaganda. The Olympics will be held between Feb. 6 and 23.
It remains to be seen whether any of the athletes who’ll compete in the games — or any of the three openly gay members of the U.S. delegation to the Olympics — will speak out against the anti-gay policies, and whether the Russian government will subject them to punishment under the propaganda law for doing so.
In terms of the advancement of marriage equality, no one is predicting movement in the state legislatures as seen in 2013, but action is expected at the ballot and as a result of numerous court cases filed throughout the country.
In Oregon, activists are preparing for a campaign to legalize same-sex marriage at the ballot. They’re already touting 118,176 signatures, which is more than 116,284 needed by July 3 to place the measure before voters. Success at the ballot would mean Oregon would become the first state in the country to overturn a state constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage through a ballot initiative.
Another effort is underway in Ohio, where the group Freedom Ohio is touting a new poll showing 56 percent of Ohio residents support marriage equality as part of an effort to place a measure on the ballot in 2014. National LGBT groups, however, aren’t behind this endeavor and reportedly have said 2014 isn’t the year to bring marriage equality to the ballot in Ohio.
But 2014 may also see the return of state constitutional amendments at the ballot banning same-sex marriage. Opponents of same-sex marriage in Indiana are seeking a vote in the legislature on such an amendment, which would bring the issue before voters in the 2014 election.
It’s possible that a similar amendment may appear on the 2014 ballot in New Mexico, where anti-gay lawmakers unhappy with the state Supreme Court’s recent decision to legalize same-sex marriage have threatened to take action. However, the legislature needs to approve the amendment before it goes to voters, which is unlikely because Democrats control both the House and Senate.
Amid efforts to place the marriage issue on the ballot, courts may issue rulings in favor of marriage equality in any of the at least 23 states with pending marriage litigation. Such rulings could happen in Michigan, where a trial on the ban same-sex marriage has been set for February, or in Pennsylvania. A federal court in West Virginia may respond to a request for summary judgment filed Tuesday by Lambda Legal on behalf on same-sex couples seeking to wed in the state.
For the first time since the Supreme Court ruling against the Defense of Marriage Act, federal appeals courts will also take up the issue of marriage equality. The U.S. Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals will review the marriage lawsuit in which U.S. District Judge Robert Shelby recently instituted marriage equality in Utah, and the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals will review Nevada’s ban on same-sex marriage in the case known as Sevcik v. Sandoval.
It’s possible that rulings at the appellate level could send the issue of marriage equality back to the Supreme Court as soon as next year.
Marc Solomon, national campaign director for Freedom to Marry, said the endeavors to advance marriage equality in 2014 will foster a better climate for the Supreme Court to make a “national resolution” in favor of marriage equality.
“We really don’t know, and nobody knows, which case is going to be that case that gets to the Supreme Court, when it’s going to happen, if it’s going to happen next year, if it’s going to happen in five years,” Solomon said. “Basically, we are full-steam ahead with what we call our ‘Roadmap to Victory’ to win more states, grow public support, get more unexpected allies, and demonstrate that the country is completely ready.”
Solomon said his organization also plans to participate in public education campaigns in Arizona, Ohio, Michigan, Colorado and Nevada in anticipation of going to the ballot to win marriage equality in 2016 in addition to a similar campaign in Pennsylvania to foster a climate for a court ruling in favor of marriage equality in the Keystone State.
Advancement of pro-LGBT federal legislation may also take place, although the chances such legislation will reach President Obama’s desk are low — to say the least — because Republicans control the House.
Supporters of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act are pushing for a vote in the Republican-controlled chamber following a bipartisan vote in the Senate in favor of the legislation. Although the legislation has 201 sponsors in a chamber where 218 votes are needed for passage, House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio) has repeatedly said he opposes the legislation when asked if he’ll bring up the bill for a vote.
Issues for married same-sex couples in the aftermath of the U.S. Supreme Court decision striking down Section 3 of the Defense of Marriage Act are also expected to surface. Senate Judiciary Committee Chair Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) has pledged to hold a hearing on these outstanding issues.
Among them is the Social Security Administration’s continued hold on benefits claims for married same-sex couples in non-marriage equality states. Passage of the Respect for Marriage Act would address these issues by ensuring married same-sex couples would be able to receive federal benefits wherever they move in the country.
The Senate early this year may also take up a version of No Child Left Behind reauthorization — reported out on a party-line basis in June by the Senate Health, Education, Labor & Pensions Committee — that contains anti-bullying provisions along the lines of the Student Non-Discrimination Act and the Safe Schools Improvement Act.
Rea Carey, executive director of the National Gay & Lesbian Task Force, said the successes of 2013 are “much to celebrate,” but said they also highlight more work is necessary at the federal level — not just on LGBT-specific issues, but other areas like immigration reform and restoration of the Voting Rights Act.
“Every victory we achieve makes clearer the inequalities that remain — the painful gap between progress and true freedom,” Carey said. “That’s why we need the House to pass the Employment Non-Discrimination Act; fair immigration reform legislation; and to restore the heart of the Voting Rights Act, so unceremoniously gutted by the Supreme Court this past year. We must win on these issues in 2014; we can win on these issues in 2014.”
Meanwhile, campaigns are ramping up for elections in 2014. For the first time ever, at least two openly gay candidates may appear as gubernatorial candidates representing a major party.
In Maryland, lesbian Del. Heather Mizeur is running against two other candidates in a bid for the Democratic nomination for governor. Her primary is June 24.
And in Maine, Rep. Mike Michaud (D-Maine), who came out as gay in 2013, is seeking to oust Republican Gov. Paul LePage. Michaud is the only declared candidate on the Democratic side.
In Congress, six openly LGB members of the U.S. House will be seeking to retain their seats. Those running in moderate districts who may face more challenging re-election bids are Reps. Mark Takano (D-Calif.), Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.) and Sean Patrick Maloney (D-N.Y.).
Sean Eldridge, an entrepreneur known for his work advocating for marriage equality in New York and also known for being married to Facebook co-founder Chris Hughes, is seeking to unseat incumbent Republican Chris Gibson to represent New York’s 19th congressional district.
Other gay newcomers are on the Republican side. Former Massachusetts State Sen. Richard Tisei, who narrowly lost a challenge to Rep. John Tierney (D-Mass.) in 2012, is considering a rematch in 2014.
Former San Diego City Council member Carl DeMaio is seeking to represent the San Diego area in the U.S. House and University of New Hampshire administrator Dan Innis has launched a bid to unseat Rep. Carol Shea-Porter (D-N.H.).
Despite openly gay candidates on the Republican side, LGBT advocates will likely also work for Democratic majorities in Congress — achieving it in the House and preserving it in the Senate — to foster a better climate for passing pro-LGBT legislation.
That may be an uphill battle. A recent survey from CNN/ORC International shows Republicans have increased their edge in the race for control of Congress. Republicans lead Democrats by 49 percent to 44 percent among registered voters asked to pick between unnamed candidates from each party in their district. That’s up from a smaller two-point edge in favor of Republicans last month.
Stuart Rothenberg, editor of the Rothenberg Political Report, said he doesn’t think the House will be in play given the abysmal state of President Obama’s polling numbers, and Republicans have a strong chance of winning the Senate.
“The Senate definitely is up for grabs,” Rothenberg said. “It’s probably close to 50-50 that Republicans will net the six seats that they will need to get to 51 seats. But there is plenty of time for events to occur that could change the current outlook.”
Whatever happens in Congress, LGBT advocates pledge to work at all levels of the government — federal, state and local — to continue to advance rights for the LGBT community.
Fred Sainz, the Human Rights Campaign’s vice president of communications, said 2014 will present “tremendous opportunities” for the LGBT community in the aftermath of 2013’s victories.
“We will continue to advance all measures of equality in the states, most importantly non-discrimination laws that affect the greatest number of LGBT people,” Sainz said. “And federally, we will continue to grow support for ENDA toward its eventual passage — as well as other bills that are part of our legislative agenda.”
Georgia
Everton Blair makes history as first openly gay congressman from Ga.
Former Gwinnett County Board of Education member to serve remainder of David Scott’s term
Georgia made history last week when Everton Blair, Jr., was sworn into the U.S. House of Representatives, becoming the state’s first openly LGBTQ member of Congress and the latest LGBTQ addition to the chamber.
Blair, who represents Georgia’s 13th Congressional District, was sworn in on Sept. 1 after winning a special election to fill the vacancy left by the late-Congressman David Scott. Blair defeated Marcye Scott, the late congressman’s daughter, in the Aug. 25 runoff, winning 53.2 percent of the vote to Scott’s 46.8 percent.
He will serve the remainder of Scott’s term through Jan. 3, 2027. Blair is not running in the November general election for a full term.
Blair brings a progressive platform to Congress.
The 34 year-old supports Medicare for All, a Green New Deal, raising the minimum wage, and universal gun background checks. His campaign platform also included positions on LGBTQ rights, reproductive freedom, workers’ rights, climate, and gun violence.
Since joining the House, Blair has joined the Congressional Black Caucus and Congressional Progressive Caucus. He is also a co-chair of the Congressional Equality Caucus.
Before joining the House, Blair served on the Gwinnett County Board of Education, where he became the first Black member and youngest-ever member elected to the board, as well as its first openly gay member. He was later unanimously selected as chair.
Blair also served as a fellow in President Barack Obama’s White House Initiative on Educational Excellence that focused on improving academic outcomes and expanding opportunities for minority students.
The son of Jamaican immigrants, Blair was born and raised in Georgia’s 13th Congressional District. He earned a bachelor’s degree in applied mathematics from Harvard University, a master’s degree in policy, organization, and leadership from Stanford University, and a Doctor of Education Leadership degree from Harvard.
Blair’s campaign received endorsements from a number of organizations, including the LGBTQ+ Victory Fund and progressive Democratic groups such as Future Democrats.
The Equality PAC, a political action committee dedicated to electing openly LGBTQ candidates to office, celebrated Blair’s victory and provided a statement to the Washington Blade about the historic nature of his election.
“This is a historic election for Georgia, the South, and our entire country,” Equality PAC said in an email. “Everton Blair brings a strong record of public service and a deep commitment to making government work for working families.”
The group said Blair would “fight to lower costs, expand access to quality health care, create economic opportunity, and ensure every community has a voice in Washington.”
“At the same time, Everton understands the importance of standing up for equality and defending the rights and freedoms of LGBTQ Americans and every community facing discrimination,” Equality PAC said. “His historic election as Georgia’s first openly LGBTQ Member of Congress and the first openly LGBTQ man elected from the South is a powerful reminder of how far our country has come — and how much work remains.”
Equality PAC said it was “proud to welcome Everton to the House” and looked forward to working with him.
El Salvador
Mujer trans salvadoreña es encontrada sin vida
La muerte de Yoisi Villalta vuelve a poner sobre la mesa la violencia
SANTA ANA, El Salvador — La muerte de Yoisi Villalta, mujer trans y vendedora de tortas en Texistepeque, Santa Ana Norte, ha vuelto a colocar en el centro del debate una realidad que durante años ha acompañado a la población LGBTQ en El Salvador: la violencia no termina con una agresión o con una muerte. También puede manifestarse en la manera en que una persona es buscada, nombrada, registrada, despedida y recordada.
Villalta fue reportada como desaparecida por su familia a finales de agosto de 2026. Días después, medios de comunicación y plataformas digitales informaron sobre el hallazgo de su cuerpo sin vida. Un reporte publicado el 5 de septiembre señala que el cuerpo fue localizado en Tacuba, Ahuachapán, ocho días después de su desaparición, mientras que la Policía Nacional Civil no había confirmado hasta entonces la causa de muerte ni clasificado oficialmente el caso como homicidio intencionado.
La precisión es importante; hasta el momento no debe afirmarse como un hecho que Yoisi haya sido víctima de un crimen de odio o de un homicidio motivado por su identidad de género, mientras no exista una investigación oficial que determine las circunstancias y causa de su muerte. Lo que sí existe es una profunda preocupación expresada por organizaciones de la sociedad civil y por personas de la comunidad LGBTQ, especialmente ante el contexto de violencia y discriminación que históricamente han enfrentado las mujeres trans en El Salvador.
Una mujer detrás de una noticia
Antes de convertirse en noticia, Villalta tenía una vida. Era una mujer trans que trabajaba como vendedora de tortas en Texistepeque. Desde su negocio desarrollaba una actividad cotidiana para ganarse la vida, pero también había convertido aquel espacio en una expresión de solidaridad con su comunidad.
De acuerdo con la información difundida por organizaciones LGBTQ, Villalta compartía alimentos con las brigadas de salud sexual que realizaban jornadas en la zona. Esa faceta de su vida permite verla más allá de las circunstancias de su muerte: como una mujer trabajadora, solidaria y vinculada a acciones comunitarias.
La Federación Salvadoreña LGBTI pidió precisamente que su memoria fuera abordada desde esa perspectiva. En el mensaje difundido tras conocerse su muerte, la organización llamó a recordarla por “su vida, su trabajo, su generosidad, y sobre todo desde su nombre”, y pidió que su historia no fuera reducida al morbo.
Ese llamado resulta especialmente importante en tiempos en que las redes sociales pueden convertir una tragedia humana en una sucesión de comentarios, fotografías, especulaciones y publicaciones hechas sin sensibilidad. Una persona fallecida no deja de tener dignidad.
Y una mujer trans no deja de ser mujer porque haya muerto.
El derecho a ser nombrada
Uno de los aspectos que más indignación ha provocado en torno al caso es el tratamiento de la identidad de Villalta durante la búsqueda. Organizaciones y personas cercanas han denunciado que durante el proceso de búsqueda se utilizó el nombre que aparece en su Documento Único de Identidad (DUI), en lugar del nombre con el que Villalta vivía y era reconocida socialmente.
Este aspecto no es meramente una cuestión semántica. Para las personas trans, el nombre puede representar una parte fundamental de su identidad y de la manera en que construyen su vida frente a la sociedad. Ser reconocidas por el nombre con el que se identifican constituye también una forma de respeto.
En el caso de Villalta, la Federación Salvadoreña LGBTI expresó que negar el nombre y la identidad de una persona trans también constituye una forma de violencia. La situación adquiere una dimensión todavía más compleja en El Salvador, donde continúa sin existir un mecanismo legal general que permita a las personas trans modificar su nombre y marcador de género en sus documentos de identidad conforme a su identidad de género.
Así, una persona puede construir durante años una vida social, familiar, laboral y comunitaria con un nombre determinado y, sin embargo, encontrarse ante instituciones que continúan identificándola exclusivamente mediante los datos registrales que no corresponden a la identidad con la que vive. El caso de Villalta vuelve a evidenciar esa tensión entre la identidad vivida y el reconocimiento institucional.
Un problema que va más allá de un solo caso
El caso de Villalta ocurre en un país donde las organizaciones de derechos humanos han advertido durante años sobre la violencia y discriminación que afectan a la población LGBTQ. La información disponible también muestra un problema relacionado con la documentación de estos hechos.
Organizaciones defensoras de derechos humanos han cuestionado la ausencia o insuficiencia de registros públicos actualizados y desagregados que permitan conocer con precisión cuántos delitos violentos afectan a personas LGBTQ y cuántos de ellos tienen como posible motivación la orientación sexual, identidad o expresión de género. La falta de información no significa necesariamente ausencia de violencia. Por el contrario, puede hacerla más difícil de identificar.
Un crimen que no registra la identidad de género de la víctima, o que no investiga adecuadamente una posible motivación relacionada con prejuicios, termina incorporándose estadísticamente como un hecho aislado, sin permitir comprender patrones. Ese problema tampoco es exclusivo de El Salvador. Sin embargo, en el país constituye una preocupación recurrente para las organizaciones que documentan vulneraciones contra personas LGBTQ.
301 denuncias en 2025
Un indicador permite dimensionar que el problema trasciende los homicidios. El Informe 2025 sobre las vulneraciones de los derechos humanos de las personas LGBTQ en El Salvador, elaborado por el Observatorio de Derechos Humanos LGBTIQ+ de ASPIDH con apoyo de Hivos y Arcus Foundation, registró 301 denuncias de vulneraciones de derechos entre el 1 de enero y el 22 de septiembre de 2025. La Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos también recogió estos datos en su informe anual.
Según esa información, las mujeres trans representaron el 53,5 por ciento de las víctimas registradas y los hombres gays el 26,6 por ciento. El informe también señaló como principales presuntos responsables a cuerpos uniformados, entre ellos la Policía Nacional Civil, los cuerpos de agentes municipales y militares desplegados bajo el régimen de excepción.
Estos datos deben leerse con cautela: se trata de denuncias de vulneraciones de derechos, no de una cifra de homicidios ni de todos los casos ocurridos en el país.
Pero muestran algo importante: la violencia contra las personas LGBTQ no puede analizarse exclusivamente desde los asesinatos. También existe violencia en la discriminación, en el acceso a servicios, en el trato institucional, en la familia, en el trabajo, en los espacios públicos y en la imposibilidad de ejercer plenamente derechos fundamentales.
El precedente de Zashy Zuley
La historia reciente de El Salvador ofrece antecedentes que ayudan a comprender por qué el caso de Villalta genera preocupación. En abril de 2021 fue asesinada en San Miguel Zashy Zuley del Cid, una mujer trans y activista vinculada al trabajo comunitario de personas LGBTQ.
ACNUR condenó entonces su asesinato y señaló que Zuley había sido previamente desplazada de su hogar debido a amenazas. La agencia de Naciones Unidas explicó que trabajaba junto con COMCAVIS TRANS para apoyarla en un proceso de emprendimiento y medios de vida.
Su muerte también puso en evidencia otra forma de violencia: después de morir, hubo dificultades para que su identidad de género fuera respetada durante sus honras fúnebres. Medios que documentaron el caso señalaron que fue sepultada con una expresión masculina y que existieron obstáculos para la participación de personas LGBTQ cercanas a ella.
El caso de Zuley se convirtió así en un símbolo de una problemática que tiene dos dimensiones: la violencia contra el cuerpo y la violencia contra la identidad.
Más de cinco años después, la muerte de Villalta vuelve a colocar ambas preocupaciones en la conversación pública.
¿Dónde están los datos oficiales?
Una de las preguntas que surgen nuevamente es cuántos casos de violencia contra personas LGBTQ han ocurrido en los últimos años y cuántos han sido investigados considerando una posible motivación por prejuicio.
La ausencia de información pública reciente y desagregada dificulta responder.
Esta falta de datos no solo afecta a las organizaciones defensoras de derechos humanos. También afecta a las instituciones encargadas de diseñar políticas públicas, prevenir la violencia y garantizar justicia.
Si no sabemos cuántos casos existen, dónde ocurren, quiénes son las víctimas, qué tipos de violencia se presentan y qué resultados tienen las investigaciones, resulta mucho más difícil diseñar respuestas adecuadas. La documentación independiente adquiere entonces un papel fundamental, aunque nunca debería sustituir la obligación del Estado de generar estadísticas confiables y transparentes.
El desafío de no olvidar
El caso de Villalta vuelve a plantear una pregunta incómoda para El Salvador:
¿Qué ese está haciendo para que las personas LGBTQ puedan vivir y morir con dignidad? La respuesta no puede depender únicamente de las organizaciones LGBTQ, de las familias o de las comunidades.
Requiere instituciones que registren adecuadamente los hechos, investigaciones que determinen responsabilidades, y de acuerdo con activistas de sociedad civil, también “se necesita un Estado que cree y promueva políticas de prevención y que reconozca la identidad de las personas diversas, formación de funcionarios y una sociedad que comprenda que la diversidad no disminuye el valor de ninguna persona”. Por ahora, las circunstancias de la muerte de Yoisi dejan muchas dudas en lo sucedido y no corresponde afirmar que se trató de un crimen de odio sin una determinación oficial de una investigación que no existió.
Iceland
Iceland implements gender-neutral blood donor rules
New regulations took effect Sept. 1, allow more LGBTQ people to donate
New rules that will allow more gay and bisexual men to donate blood in Iceland took effect on Sept. 1.
The Iceland Review, an English-language magazine, notes the new regulations the country’s Health Ministry approved are gender-neutral. Some restrictions, however, remain in place for potential donors, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity.
“Specific sexual activity can be linked to higher risk of bloodborne infections, therefore thorough screening is very important in regards to blood donor eligibility,” states the Icelandic Blood Bank on its website.
Potential donors are asked these two questions:
• In the past four months, have you had sex with a new partner?
• In the past four months, have you engaged in what is considered sexual relation of higher risk?
The Icelandic Blood Bank defines “sexual relation of higher risk” as:
• Sexual relation where a condom is not used and relationship duration is less than 4 months.
• Sexual relation outside of pre-existing long-term relationship, where a condom is not used.
• Sexual relation with many individuals (more than one) with/without a condom.
• Sexual relation, where a condom is not used, with an individual whose behavior falls under sexual relation of higher risk.
• Sexual relation where a condom is not used, with an individual that injects narcotics. If more than four months have passed since the last injection, donation is permitted.
• Sexual relation, with/without the use of condom, in exchange for payment.
• Anal sex with/without a condom with a new partner.
• Sexual relation where chemicals are used to enhance sexual experience (chemsex).
• Sexual relation with/without the use of a condom, with an individual diagnosed with HIV, HTLV, Hepatitis B or C, or syphilis.
• Sexual relation with an individual using viral medication (PrEP or PEP) for HIV.
“If yes, evaluation for possible deferral from blood donation needs to be done,” says the Icelandic Blood Bank.
A person with HIV, Human T-lymphotropic virus-1, hepatitis B or C, or syphilis cannot donate blood. A person who has taken PrEP or PEP in the previous four months is also unable to become a donor.
“If more than four months have passed since the medication was taken, viral screening can be done,” says the Icelandic Blood Bank. “If results are negative, blood donation is permitted. Deferral period is longer if administrated intravenously.”
Any potential donor who had “sexual relation with an individual using viral medication (PrEP or PEP) for HIV” must wait four months since their “last sexual relation” before they can give blood.
Anyone who has “ever, even just once, shared a needle/syringe with someone or injected yourself with an illegal substance (non- doctor prescribed), e.g. drugs, anabolic steroids, hormones or peptides.” is permanently prohibited from donating blood.
Iceland is the latest country to lift restrictions for LGBTQ blood donors.
The Australian Red Cross Blood Service in April implemented a new policy that allows “gay and bisexual men and transgender people in long-term monogamous relations (of at least six months) to donate blood and platelets for the first time.”
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration in 2023 implemented a new screening policy for potential donors that asked them questions about their sexual activity, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity. The previous policy required men who have sex with men to not have sex for at least three months before they could donate blood.
Everton Blair makes history as first openly gay congressman from Ga.
Mujer trans salvadoreña es encontrada sin vida
Iceland implements gender-neutral blood donor rules
Blade Foundation to host fundraiser in Rehoboth on Sept. 12
New book examines fashionista Audrey Smaltz’s fabulous life
Gloria Steinem dies at 92
Pentagon expands testosterone screening as trans troops face hormone therapy restrictions
Swiss government backs nationwide conversion therapy ban
Calendar: September 4-10
