Opinions
Anti-trans bills gain oxygen this month
Measures attacking bathroom use, student athletes advance

The absence of the news coverage it deserves, the nationās media seem torn between not discussing this and keeping Texas Senate Bill 1646 in the dark, where it belongs. Yet the recent history of the nation suggests that bills such as this need to be dragged out of the caves and blinded by the right amount of light before being scrubbed with bleach.
To make this as clear and brief as possible, the state could remove trans children from their homes if their parents affirm the childās gender.
This Texas bill, pending in the Senate State Affairs Committee as of this week, stretches human and judicial logic.
Adriana Gonzales, a Florida lawyer and partner in the firm of Gonzalez & Cartwright, P.A., questions whether any anti-trans bill would survive for long as a law.
“Aside from the fact that it boggles the mind that a state legislature is even entertaining such a bill in 2021, the courts would have field day with this. Any state law that would consider a parent of a trans child to be a child abuser for supporting who they are is deeply unconstitutional in spirit and practice.”
Of course, Texas is not acting in isolation, as cowardly legislation tends to travel in packs, like vermin. Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson (R) suggested that the GOP āget back to its principlesā and show compassion to trans people. Which would be great had Arkansas not had a bill similar to that of Texas, Arkansas House Bill 1882, which allows people that share bathrooms with trans people to sue. Not to be outdone by Texas, Arkansas lawmakers seem determined to make
Arkansas not only the national leader in anti-trans legislation, but a true city on the hill for the global anti-trans movements.
The Arkansas legislation would give someone the right to sue if they encounter someone that was assigned to a different sex at birth than them in a restroom. These actionable restroom encounters would be limited to offices, schools, and facilities run by the government. Reasonable accommodation would need to be provided not to the trans person but to any person who does not want to share a bathroom with them. Parenthetically, this is Arkansasās ninth anti-trans bill.
And not to be outdone, Florida jumped into the fray on April 14, with its House passing (by a 77-40 vote) an anti-trans bill. HB 1475. This bill would require transgender high school and college students to compete in sports based on their birth gender. According to a report in the Tallahassee Democrat, during hours of debate, House Democrats made impassioned objections to the measure, arguing that it targets already-vulnerable transgender teens and adults.
Even (with a strong emphasis on the āevenā) the often misguided NCAA has come out against these anti-trans bills, suggesting that it would not hold events in states that discriminate against trans students. Having been under the judicial microscope of late for continuing their long-standing practice of using their student-athletes as indentured labor, the NCAAās bold stance here is in response to not just SB 1646, but six bills in the Texas Legislature that target transgender studentsā sports participation.
In the NCAA statement, they reference their decade-old transgender policy, which itself is not without controversy. The NCAA follows the same protocol as the International Olympic Committee and the U.S. Olympic Committee in making testosterone suppression treatment for transgender women mandatory for them to compete in womenās sports.
Yet their position statement does provide a foundation for other powerful organizations and corporations to build their own action: āWhen determining where championships are held, NCAA policy directs that only locations where hosts can commit to providing an environment that is safe, healthy and free of discrimination should be selected. We will continue to closely monitor these situations to determine whether NCAA championships can be conducted in ways that are welcoming and respectful of all participants.ā
The actual chances of any of these anti-trans bills becoming law are probably higher than we would care to imagine. Given the zeitgeist, if any of these current bills fail, there are surely more to come.
Aron Solomon is the Head of Digital Strategy for NextLevel.com and an adjunct professor of business management at the Desautels Faculty of Management at McGill University.
Opinions
Someone needs to answer for monkeypox
A giant middle finger to Xavier Becerra for blaming us

Did you lie to get your monkey pox shot?
Well, maybe not lie, lie, but were you perhaps a little, say, economical with the truth? I mean, those eligibility questions were at times ping ponging between the highly personal to the incredibly vague. How many men have you slept with in the last two weeks? Have you come into contact with anyone with monkeypox? Probably, maybe? What exactly is a āskin-to-skinā party? Is it sort of if you know, you know thing? Or can you say Peach Pit, the incredibly 90s dance party, where, as really most gay dance parties, gays shed shirts and dance skin-to-skin come midnight or so? Also, Iām not a sex worker. But, as a real estate agent, I think I can imagine it pretty easily. No disrespect to sex workers, of course. Everyone paused before checking boxes, wondering what were the right answers.
Do I feel bad for finding a category for eligibility that I could cram myself into? Maybe a little. But I wanted the shot. And letās be clear ā I didnāt create this panic, they did. And just who is ātheyā I think we as the queer community deserve some answers. How could we fail a test like monkeypox so badly? A test that we had all the questions far in advance. We all saw this coming a mile away. And the lion-share of the credit as to the success of the vaccine rollout so far seems to go to the queer community itself. Activists dusting off old playbooks from the ACT-UP days, and coupling new clout and access to city government and officials, we were able to get what was available to us out to as many as possible as soon as possible. That wasnāt them, that was us.
And I know two people that have had it. And they have assured me that it was by far the worst pain and most humiliating experience of their lives. Just seeing them quarantining for three weeks in excruciating pain was enough for me to hunt down my second shot. Did I lie to get it? Not really. Was I a little liberal with the truth? Perhaps. But again, thatās really on them. This panic is theirs.
So what about them? Who are they? Whose head should roll? You might have missed it. But Secretary of Health & Human Services Xavier Becerra was asked essentially āwhat the hell?ā in a conference call with reporters last month. The Bladeās own Chris Johnson was on the call. Just to be honest with you, Iāve thought Becerra was a disaster long before he ascended to his current position. But in the interview, Becerra became hostile and pointed the finger back at us, the ācommunities at risk.ā In a pre-Trump world, that would have been a career-ending interview. But I suppose itās a different world now. Let me give one giant middle finger back at him. And to anyone who thinks a ācommunity at riskā somehow means a community to blame. Heās a disaster. But then again, so is this whole rollout.Ā
Let me be clear. Iām not blaming D.C. Health here. On the contrary, Iām incredibly grateful to them. When I walked into the Georgia Avenue clinic for my first shot back in June, I felt terrible for them. A nondescript white building, un-air conditioned, the place looked like something from the developing world. Not something youād want to find in the nationās capital. I thanked them all for being there. They deserve better.
We all deserve better. And someone needs to answer for why we didnāt get it.Ā
Brock Thompson is a D.C.-based writer. He contributes regularly to the Blade.

A judge approved putting Casa Ruby into the hands of a receiver and approved the D.C. Attorney Generalās recommendation of the Wanda Alston Foundation, of which June Crenshaw is the executive director. She is an amazing person. Founded in 2008, according to its website āthe Wanda Alston Foundation provides housing and support services for D.C. homeless and at-risk LGBTQ youth ages 18 to 24 and advocates for expanded city services for LGBTQ youth.ā
Contrary to what Ruby Corado said at the hearing she apparently Zoomed into from El Salvador, it is only important to have someone who knows the work of Casa Ruby and if it is someone who worked for a successful organization in the area all the more reason for them to be named.
Itās not important that the name Casa Ruby survives. What is important is the services it once provided to the transgender community survive, and even expand. That can be done under any name.
Taking over as receiver will not be an easy task. Crenshaw will have to unravel the mess that is there now. The receiver will have to face the fact money may have been stolen and deal with employees who werenāt paid. They will have to deal with the fact, which now seems clear, that Casa Ruby was out of compliance with the District Non-Profit Corporations Act.
D.C. was an amazing place for me to come out and I did so after moving here in 1978. As a political person I got involved with what was then the Gertrude Stein Democratic Club, which had just played a major role in electing Marion Barry as mayor. Over the years I got more and more involved in the LGBTQ community. I, along with Rick Rosendall, founded and incorporated the Foundation for all DC Families, the organization we set up to fight for marriage equality in D.C. We worked hard, raised funds and had Celinda Lake do the first major poll on the issue in D.C. We found the white community in D.C. was heavily in favor of marriage equality and the Black community was partially supportive based on age and religion. We recognized many of us who began the organization had white privilege, which made life easier for us. We never earned that privilege it was something society just awarded us. We worked hard to recruit a diverse board for the organization and involved the faith community in the fight as well. Then along with Sheila Alexander-Reid and Cornelius Baker we incorporated the Campaign for All DC Families as the 501(c)(4) to do the political work to secure marriage equality. We continued to raise some money for the organization and worked with HRC, which lent us staff and meeting space. We recruited new people. We won the fight working with Council member David Catania and the rest of the Council. Mayor Adrian Fenty signed the D.C. marriage equality bill and I still have one of the pens presented to me at the signing.
White privilege made it easier for me to be out. Because of this over the years I supported groups like the Wanda Alston Foundation, and Casa Ruby, because there are so many members of the LGBTQ community who still struggle in the District, no matter how LGBTQ-friendly our laws are. We must all work to ensure no one falls behind due to homophobia, transphobia, racism, or sexism. Again, I will continue to support the services for the transgender community, which Casa Ruby provided, but donāt care what the organization providing them is called.
The problem I have with Ruby Corado was compounded when I read in the Blade what she said at the virtual hearing disputing āthe allegations, saying among other things, that claims that she was not in communication with the Casa Ruby board was a misconception.ā
If Corado cares about the people Casa Ruby served, why is she in El Salvador? Who has she been in touch with ā which board members, and will they confirm this? If she cared about the organization and people it served, and has done nothing wrong, why is she not here in the District fighting for the employees, calling a board meeting (if there is a board)? Non-profit boards hire executive directors and oversee their work. I donāt think Casa Ruby ever had a real āworkingā board overseeing Coradoās work. We need to question and get affidavits from former āboardā members as to what they did and what they know about what Corado did.
Peter Rosenstein is a longtime LGBTQ rights and Democratic Party activist. He writes regularly for the Blade.
Opinions
Supporting LGBTQ rights is good for business and the right thing to do
Equity and inclusion must be a corporate imperative

In communities across the United States, LGBTQ+ people and their families are facing a growing number of significant barriers to equal rights and protections. In 2022 alone, at least 30 states have introduced anti-LGBTQ+ bills, with a majority targeting transgender and non-binary youth, on top of continued anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric and bias in various states across the country. Despite progress toward equity and inclusion, the LGBTQ+ community is increasingly struggling for equality and basic human rights.
Iām truly concerned for members of my community, given the impact these actions are having on our mental health and wellbeing. Several of my LGBTQ+ colleagues and colleagues with LGBTQ+ family members have expressed fear for themselves and their children. Some are scared their transgender child will be taken from them and placed in foster care. Others feel they might be personally prosecuted for seeking gender affirming care for their child. Many are worried theyāll need to move to a different state just so they can continue accessing essential forms of health care.
I feel lucky to work for a company that opposes discriminatory actions that could harm our employees, customers, and the communities where we do business, and has equally advanced policies, practices, and benefits to support our LGBTQ+ workforce. It comforts me to know my employer supports a society that serves all Americans, including the LGBTQ+ community. But not everyone has the same assurance when they go to work.
Now more than ever, LGBTQ+ equity and inclusion must be a business imperative. Business leaders must use their voice to condemn the hate, bias, transphobia and homophobia that sadly exist in our communities. We also need businesses to take meaningful and measurable action in promoting and advancing inclusion for the LGBTQ+ community year-round, not just during Pride month. While it starts with inclusive benefits, policies and networks of support, this commitment requires businesses to lead with the values of acceptance and belonging in every decision they make. Itās only then that your LGBTQ+ employees, customers and communities will truly feel included and equal.
Since the first LGBTQ+ Business Resource Group at JPMorgan Chase was created in the 1990s, many, like me, have worked hard to make our company a place where LGBTQ+ employees feel they can be their authentic selves when they come to work. Last year, we strengthened this commitment by creating the Office of LGBT+ Affairs, a full-time, dedicated team focused on advancing equity and inclusion for LGBTQ+ employees, customers, clients, and communities. Itās my sincere hope that we donāt see our efforts slowed down by attempts to threaten the rights of people for who they are, whom they love or how they identify.
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