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LGBTQ rights on the line: What to watch as Supreme Court’s new term begins

The Supreme Court will hear cases shaping transgender sports participation and conversion therapy, with major LGBTQ rights implications.

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A Progress Pride flag flies in front of the Supreme Court. (Washington Blade Photo by Michael Key)

The Supreme Court’s new term begins this week, with multiple cases on the docket that could have serious consequences for the civil rights of the LGBTQ community.

Many issues are being debated this term, including the scope of civil rights protections under the Equal Protection Clause, Title IX, and the Voting Rights Act—all of which could leave LGBTQ Americans less protected.

This Supreme Court is different from years past. Its right-wing supermajority is utilizing a more activist approach to legal interpretation—siding more often with President Trump’s preferred interpretation of laws rather than a more constitutional evaluation. One Supreme Court Justice, Clarence Thomas, even went so far as to publicly state he has a problem with the way judges are restricted by past decisions, saying he is against the concept of stare decisis (or sticking to prior judges’ decisions) and that they are “not the gospel.”

There are three major cases that in some way impact—or have the possibility of impacting—the rights of LGBTQ Americans: West Virginia v. B.P.J., Little v. Hecox, and Chiles v. Salazar. The first two deal with the rights of transgender girls participating in sports. The last one, Chiles v. Salazar, centers around the legality of banning conversion therapy.

West Virginia v. B.P.J.

In West Virginia v. B.P.J., a transgender girl, known as B.P.J., takes gender-affirming medication and has since the onset of puberty. She wants to compete on her school’s cross-country and track teams. In 2021, West Virginia passed the “Save Women’s Sports Act,” which requires public school and collegiate sports teams to designate their players’ genders by “biological sex” rather than gender identity.

In this case, the Court will determine whether this act violates Title IX—a federal law prohibiting discrimination based on sex in education or any institution that receives federal funding—or the Equal Protection Clause, which prohibits unfair and unequal discrimination, by requiring B.P.J. to be on a team based on her biological sex.

As Joshua Block, senior counsel with the American Civil Liberties Union’s (ACLU) LGBT & HIV Project, explained, “In terms of the legal issues before the court, the West Virginia case presents both the Title IX issue and the equal protection issue.” He also highlighted the broader impact: “Some of the lower courts are actually holding their cases pending BPJ, the Seventh Circuit recently did that in one of their restroom cases.”

Little v. Hecox

In Little v. Hecox, the Court will similarly evaluate the legality of Idaho’s transgender sports law—the “Fairness in Women’s Sports Act,” which, since its passage in 2020, has barred any transgender girls from participating on public school-affiliated sports teams. There is specific wording in the law that says the hormones present in transgender women, regardless of their stage of transition, make them predisposed to winning and create an unfair playing field—even if transgender people take Gender-Affirming Hormone Therapy (GAHT).

Lindsay Hecox, a transgender woman and student at Boise State University, attempted to join the school’s cross-country team but was denied, with the school citing that her participation violates the law. Hecox, along with a cisgender high school athlete identified in court documents as Jane Doe, filed a suit arguing that the “Fairness in Women’s Sports Act” violated both of their constitutional rights under the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.

Block noted during the briefing, “Lindsay, unlike BPJ, is a young woman in college, and she has not had blockers. She suppressed testosterone after puberty at the same time, as I mentioned, she was not, frankly, good enough to make the team, and has just been playing club sports.” Regarding procedural concerns, he added, “Unlike other cases where a party has sought to insulate a favorable judgment from review, we obviously think the decision below needs to be vacated because it’s moot.”

Block went on to spotlight that both West Virginia v. B.P.J. and Little v. Hecox are clearly supported by Title IX, using the Court’s decision in 2020 in Bostock v. Clayton County as the basis. In that case, the Court found that the Civil Rights Act of 1964 protects not only on the basis of sex and race, but also on sexual orientation and gender identity.

“There’s obviously an overlap on the question of whether, as a general matter, the Supreme Court’s reasoning in Bostock applies to Title IX,” Block said. “Bostock says you can’t fire someone for being transgender. I think it should go without saying that a school principal can’t expel someone for being transgender either. Despite that, the states are trying to argue that Bostock doesn’t apply to Title IX at all.”

Chiles v. Salazar

While West Virginia v. B.P.J. and Little v. Hecox examine Title IX and the Equal Protection Clause, Chiles v. Salazar evaluates the legality of a Colorado House Act banning conversion therapy under the Free Speech Clause of the First Amendment. The Free Speech Clause has five parts, but this case focuses on the right to practice the religion of one’s choosing and the provision that the state may not establish a religion. Conversion therapy is defined in this case as any practice that “changes behaviors or gender expressions or seeks to eliminate or reduce sexual or romantic attraction or feelings toward individuals of the same sex.”

In Chiles v. Salazar, Kaley Chiles, a licensed counselor who identifies as a Christian, has argued that HB19-1129, also known as the “Prohibit Conversion Therapy for a Minor Act,” violates her First Amendment rights. Chiles practices “faith-informed” counseling that seeks to “reduce or eliminate unwanted sexual attractions, change sexual behaviors, or grow in the experience of harmony with [their] physical body.” She brought forward a pre-enforcement lawsuit against the state, arguing that the law has made her refrain from discussing possible gender- and sexuality-related topics with her clients and has dampened her ability to provide counseling services in line with her and her clients’ religious preferences.

Josh Rovenger, the legal director at GLAD Law, an LGBTQ+ legal services and civil rights organization, explained what Chiles v. Salazar could mean for the future of LGBTQ rights in America.

“Fundamentally, what’s at stake… is whether a state like Colorado and the 23 other states, plus the District of Columbia that have similar laws have the ability to protect LGBTQ plus youth from disproven conversion therapy practices that cause lasting trauma to the individuals, their families, and entire communities.”

He went on, explaining that the scope of the law is so specific that the plaintiff’s concerns may not apply.

“The law here is really quite narrow, aimed at a very specific, specific prohibition, and a lot of the activities that the plaintiff says that she wants to engage in, as Colorado points out in its brief, just aren’t covered by the law,” Rovenger said. In addition, he added there are multiple states that have banned the practice of conversion therapy with little issue. “Multiple states which have bipartisan laws that were passed with widespread support, including support from religious communities, would potentially be invalidated as a result of that type of decision, and that would be overruling an overwhelming medical consensus about the evidence of conversion therapy practice harms.”

As GLAAD noted in a press release, “Every major medical and mental health association in the country condemns the practice and supports efforts to prevent practitioners from violating their oath to do no harm.”

The Bigger Picture

These cases, Rovenger explained, don’t collectively signal that the Supreme Court will side in one particular way, but rather that some of the justices are interested in the cases.

“The first is the fact that they took these cases only means that four justices were interested in hearing them,” Rovenger said. “It does not tell us anything about where they’re going to come out on the cases ultimately. And there was no reason for the court to take either of or any of these cases.”

Rovenger, who served as Associate Counsel to President Biden in the White House for Racial Justice & Equity, went on, emphasizing the importance of the broader political context in this legal targeting of trans kids.

“Before 2020, decisions about sports were being left to school districts and sports organizations, the people who know these issues best… And then in 2020 we saw trans issues more generally, but sports in particular, being used as a wedge issue and a weapon to further a political agenda,” he said. “Since the beginning of 2025 that has been on steroids from the federal administration, which has really targeted transgender individuals, generally, and transgender kids who just want the opportunity to play school sports for the same reason other kids do — to be part of a team where they feel like they belong.”

He continued, saying that these cases would mostly impact some of the most vulnerable LGBTQ population—LGBTQ youth.

“These cases are going to have significant implications for LGBTQ youth, for LGBTQ individuals more generally, for school environments, for the ability of states to protect LGBTQ youth from discredited medical practices. And so when we think about the day-to-day experience of LGBTQ folks in this country, particularly youth, these cases will have a direct impact on those lived experiences.”

A fourth case concerns marriage equality and a decade-old effort by former Kentucky county clerk Kim Davis to overturn the Obergefell ruling. Legal experts have called the effort a long shot. Justices will likely decide whether to hear the case later this fall.

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U.S. Supreme Court

Competing rallies draw hundreds to Supreme Court

Activists, politicians gather during oral arguments over trans youth participation in sports

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Hundreds gather outside the U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Hundreds of supporters and opponents of trans rights gathered outside of the United States Supreme Court during oral arguments for Little v. Hecox and West Virginia v. B.P.J. on Tuesday. Two competing rallies were held next to each other, with politicians and opposing movement leaders at each.

“Trans rights are human rights!” proclaimed U.S. Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) to the crowd of LGBTQ rights supporters. “I am here today because trans kids deserve more than to be debated on cable news. They deserve joy. They deserve support. They deserve to grow up knowing that their country has their back.”

U.S. Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) speaks outside of the U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

“And I am here today because we have been down this hateful road before,” Markey continued. “We have seen time and time again what happens when the courts are asked to uphold discrimination. History eventually corrects those mistakes, but only after the real harm is done to human beings.”

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U.S. Education Secretary Linda McMahon spoke at the other podium set up a few feet away surrounded by signs, “Two Sexes. One Truth.” and “Reality Matters. Biology Matters.”

“In just four years, the Biden administration reversed decades of progress,” said McMahon. “twisting the law to urge that sex is not defined by objective biological reality, but by subjective notion of gender identity. We’ve seen the consequences of the Biden administration’s advocacy of transgender agendas.”

From left, U.S. Education Secretary Linda McMahon and U.S. Rep. Mark Takano (D-Calif.) speak during the same time slot at competing rallies in front of the U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday. Takano addresses McMahon directly in his speech. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

U.S. Rep. Mark Takano (D-Calif.), chair of the Congressional Equality Caucus, was introduced on the opposing podium during McMahon’s remarks.

“This court, whose building that we stand before this morning, did something quite remarkable six years ago.” Takano said. “It did the humanely decent thing, and legally correct thing. In the Bostock decision, the Supreme Court said that trans employees exist. It said that trans employees matter. It said that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act protects employees from discrimination based on sex, and that discrimination based on sex includes discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation. It recognizes that trans people have workplace rights and that their livelihoods cannot be denied to them, because of who they are as trans people.”

“Today, we ask this court to be consistent,” Takano continued. “If trans employees exist, surely trans teenagers exist. If trans teenagers exist, surely trans children exist. If trans employees have a right not to be discriminated against in the workplace, trans kids have a right to a free and equal education in school.”

Takano then turned and pointed his finger toward McMahon.

“Did you hear that, Secretary McMahon?” Takano addressed McMahon. “Trans kids have a right to a free and equal education! Restore the Office of Civil Rights! Did you hear me Secretary McMahon? You will not speak louder or speak over me or over these people.”

Both politicians continued their remarks from opposing podiums.

“I end with a message to trans youth who need to know that there are adults who reject the political weaponization of hate and bigotry,” Takano said. “To you, I say: you matter. You are not alone. Discrimination has no place in our schools. It has no place in our laws, and it has no place in America.”

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Supreme Court hears arguments in two critical cases on trans sports bans

Justices considered whether laws unconstitutional under Title IX.

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The United States Supreme Court on Tuesday, Jan. 13. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The Supreme Court heard two cases today that could change how the Equal Protection Clause and Title IX are enforced.

The cases, Little v. Hecox and West Virginia v. B.P.J., ask the court to determine whether state laws blocking transgender girls from participating on girls’ teams at publicly funded schools violates the 14th Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause and Title IX. Once decided, the rulings could reshape how laws addressing sex discrimination are interpreted nationwide.

Chief Justice John Roberts raised questions about whether Bostock v. Clayton County — the landmark case holding that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 protects employees from discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity — applies in the context of athletics. He questioned whether transgender girls should be considered girls under the law, noting that they were assigned male at birth.

“I think the basic focus of the discussion up until now, which is, as I see it anyway, whether or not we should view your position as a challenge to the distinction between boys and girls on the basis of sex or whether or not you are perfectly comfortable with the distinction between boys and girls, you just want an exception to the biological definition of girls.”

“How we approach the situation of looking at it not as boys versus girls but whether or not there should be an exception with respect to the definition of girls,” Roberts added, suggesting the implications could extend beyond athletics. “That would — if we adopted that, that would have to apply across the board and not simply to the area of athletics.”

Justice Clarence Thomas echoed Roberts’ concerns, questioning how sex-based classifications function under Title IX and what would happen if Idaho’s ban were struck down.

“Does a — the justification for a classification as you have in Title IX, male/female sports, let’s take, for example, an individual male who is not a good athlete, say, a lousy tennis player, and does not make the women’s — and wants to try out for the women’s tennis team, and he said there is no way I’m better than the women’s tennis players. How is that different from what you’re being required to do here?”

Justice Samuel Alito addressed what many in the courtroom seemed reluctant to state directly: the legal definition of sex.

“Under Title IX, what does the term ‘sex’ mean?” Alito asked Principal Deputy Solicitor General Hashim Mooppan, who was arguing in support of Idaho’s law. Mooppan maintained that sex should be defined at birth.

“We think it’s properly interpreted pursuant to its ordinary traditional definition of biological sex and think probably given the time it was enacted, reproductive biology is probably the best way of understanding that,” Mooppan said.

Justice Sonia Sotomayor pushed back, questioning how that definition did not amount to sex discrimination against Lindsay Hecox under Idaho law. If Hecox’s sex is legally defined as male, Sotomayor argued, the exclusion still creates discrimination.

“It’s still an exception,” Sotomayor said. “It’s a subclass of people who are covered by the law and others are not.”

Justice Elena Kagan highlighted the broader implications of the cases, asking whether a ruling for the states would impose a single definition of sex on the 23 states that currently have different laws and standards. The parties acknowledged that scientific research does not yet offer a clear consensus on sex.

“I think the one thing we definitely want to have is complete findings. So that’s why we really were urging to have a full record developed before there were a final judgment of scientific uncertainty,” said Kathleen Harnett, Hecox’s legal representative. “Maybe on a later record, that would come out differently — but I don’t think that—”

Kathleen Harnett, center, speaks with reporters following oral arguments at the U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday, Jan. 13. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

“Just play it out a little bit, if there were scientific uncertainty,” Kagan responded.

Justice Brett Kavanaugh focused on the impact such policies could have on cisgender girls, arguing that allowing transgender girls to compete could undermine Title IX’s original purpose.

“For the individual girl who does not make the team or doesn’t get on the stand for the medal or doesn’t make all league, there’s a — there’s a harm there,” Kavanaugh said. “I think we can’t sweep that aside.”

Justice Amy Coney Barrett questioned whether Idaho’s law discriminated based on transgender status or sex.

“Since trans boys can play on boys’ teams, how would we say this discriminates on the basis of transgender status when its effect really only runs towards trans girls and not trans boys?”

Harnett responded, “I think that might be relevant to a, for example, animus point, right, that we’re not a complete exclusion of transgender people. There was an exclusion of transgender women.”

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson challenged the notion that explicitly excluding transgender people was not discrimination.

“I guess I’m struggling to understand how you can say that this law doesn’t discriminate on the basis of transgender status. The law expressly aims to ensure that transgender women can’t play on women’s sports teams… it treats transgender women different than — than cis-women, doesn’t it?”

Idaho Solicitor General Alan Hurst urged the court to uphold his state’s ban, arguing that allowing participation based on gender identity — regardless of medical intervention — would deny opportunities to girls protected under federal law.

Hurst emphasized that biological “sex is what matters in sports,” not gender identity, citing scientific evidence that people assigned male at birth are predisposed to athletic advantages.

Joshua Block, representing B.P.J., was asked whether a ruling in their favor would redefine sex under federal law.

“I don’t think the purpose of Title IX is to have an accurate definition of sex,” Block said. “I think the purpose is to make sure sex isn’t being used to deny opportunities.”

Becky Pepper-Jackson, identified as plaintiff B.P.J., the 15-year-old also spoke out.

“I play for my school for the same reason other kids on my track team do — to make friends, have fun, and challenge myself through practice and teamwork,” said Pepper-Jackson. “And all I’ve ever wanted was the same opportunities as my peers. But in 2021, politicians in my state passed a law banning me — the only transgender student athlete in the entire state — from playing as who I really am. This is unfair to me and every transgender kid who just wants the freedom to be themselves.”

A demonstrator holds a ‘protect trans youth’ sign outside of the U.S. Supreme Court on Tuesday, Jan. 13. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Outside the court, advocates echoed those concerns as the justices deliberated.

“Becky simply wants to be with her teammates on the track and field team, to experience the camaraderie and many documented benefits of participating in team sports,” said Sasha Buchert, counsel and Nonbinary & Transgender Rights Project director at Lambda Legal. “It has been amply proven that participating in team sports equips youth with a myriad of skills — in leadership, teamwork, confidence, and health. On the other hand, denying a student the ability to participate is not only discriminatory but harmful to a student’s self-esteem, sending a message that they are not good enough and deserve to be excluded. That is the argument we made today and that we hope resonated with the justices of the Supreme Court.”

“This case is about the ability of transgender youth like Becky to participate in our schools and communities,” said Joshua Block, senior counsel for the ACLU’s LGBTQ & HIV Project. “School athletics are fundamentally educational programs, but West Virginia’s law completely excluded Becky from her school’s entire athletic program even when there is no connection to alleged concerns about fairness or safety. As the lower court recognized, forcing Becky to either give up sports or play on the boys’ team — in contradiction of who she is at school, at home, and across her life — is really no choice at all. We are glad to stand with her and her family to defend her rights, and the rights of every young person, to be included as a member of their school community, at the Supreme Court.”

The Supreme Court is expected to issue rulings in both cases by the end of June.

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As Supreme Court weighs trans sports bans, advocate and former athlete speaks out

PFLAG staffer Diego Sanchez competed at University of Georgia in 1970s

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A progress Pride flag and U.S. flags at the U.S. Supreme Court. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The U.S. Supreme Court will hear two cases Tuesday addressing the legality of banning transgender women and girls from participating in sports under the 14th Amendment.

Though the two cases differ slightly in their fact patterns, they ultimately pose the same constitutional question: whether laws that limit participation in women’s sports to only cisgender women and girls violate the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment.

In both cases — Little v. Hecox and West Virginia v. B.P.J. — trans girls filed lawsuits against their respective states, Idaho and West Virginia, arguing that the bans violate their right to equal protection under the law by subjecting them to different standards than cisgender girls.

Lindsay Hecox, now 24, filed her lawsuit in 2020 while attending Boise State University. That same year, Idaho enacted the “Fairness in Women’s Sports Act,” which barred trans women from participating in any sport in public schools, from kindergarten through college. Although Hecox underwent hormone therapy that significantly lowered her testosterone levels, she was still excluded under the law when she attempted to try out for the women’s track and cross-country teams.

The second case centers on B.P.J., a 15-year-old trans girl who has identified as female since third grade and has been on puberty blockers since the onset of puberty. In 2021, West Virginia enacted the “Save Women’s Sports Act,” which requires sports teams to be designated by “biological sex” rather than gender identity. B.P.J.’s mother filed suit on her behalf after her daughter was barred from participating on her school’s girls’ cross-country and track teams.

A key distinction between the two cases is that attorneys for B.P.J. have argued that because puberty blockers were part of her development, her body is more aligned with that of a cisgender girl than a cisgender boy. Despite these differences, both cases raise the same constitutional issue: whether it is lawful to bar someone from participation in sports based on sex assigned at birth.

The Washington Blade spoke with PFLAG Vice President of Policy and Government Affairs Diego Sanchez.

Sanchez is a trans elder with firsthand experience as a college athlete at the University of Georgia and later became the first openly trans legislative staff member on Capitol Hill.

His dual experience — as a former athlete and a longtime policy expert deeply familiar with constitutional law — gives him a unique perspective on the questions now before the Supreme Court. Sanchez will also be one of the featured speakers at a rally on the steps of the court as the justices hear arguments.

When asked how attitudes toward trans athletes differ from when he competed at the University of Georgia from 1976-1980 to today — when 27 states have passed laws restricting trans participation in sports — Sanchez said the contrast is stark.

“I had the good experience of being supported by my teammates and my coach,” Sanchez said. “The thing that’s so different today is that these [trans] kids are able to go home and get kisses and hugs from their parents, being lauded in the stands by their families, and then being told that who they are doesn’t necessarily fit with who they’re allowed to be in their expression at the moment, and that to me, seems a terrible injustice.”

Sanchez emphasized that sports offer lessons that extend far beyond competition.

“When you’re an athlete, you learn an awful lot of things about life,” he said. “You learn about leadership, but you also learn that your best effort becomes part of a team effort … how you feel as an individual contributor is affected by what ends up being part of how you live your life as an adult.”

After his time as an athlete, Sanchez began working in government, eventually serving as senior policy advisor to then-U.S. Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.) until Frank’s retirement in 2013. Sanchez said that one of the most important aspects of his role was simply being visible as a trans person in spaces where many lawmakers had never knowingly met one before.

“My job was to make sure that no one, no legislator, could say that they had never met a trans person,” Sanchez said.

Sanchez also addressed the broader implications the Supreme Court’s decision could have on how gender is treated within institutional systems.

“I don’t think it affects how people perceive their own gender or express their own gender, but I do think that it could create barriers if it doesn’t welcome the way that community and society actually are,” he said. “The most important thing for people to know … is to remember that every person is an individual, and that the right to contribute to society should be something that is supported by the government, not hindered.”

He added that the court’s role must be understood within the framework of checks and balances established by the Constitution.

“The risk, of course, here is always remembering that we have three branches of government, so that this action by the judiciary branch may or may not have implications on whether or how things can be perceived or executed at other branches,” Sanchez said. “I would hope that our government is interested in letting the future generations and current generations be the best that they can be as well.”

“Do people get to live their lives as they are, or is the government an obstruction or a support?”

When asked what message he would share with young trans athletes watching the Supreme Court take up these cases, Sanchez said community support remains critical, regardless of how the justices rule.

“Make sure that the environment that you put yourself in is something that honors who you know you are and supports you becoming the best person you can be, and that anything that takes away from that is purely dissonance,” he said.

“What we do with dissonance is what distinguishes us as whether we excel or doubt.”

That same sense of community, Sanchez said, is what rallies — like the one planned outside the Supreme Court — are meant to reinforce, even as decisions are made inside the building.

“Rallies, including tomorrow’s, are about people knowing they’re not alone, and hearing from other people who support who they are,” he said. “There is support across the country … I wish that I had had someone my age now that I could have looked to, but I am the role model, but I didn’t have any.”

Looking ahead to the possibility that the court could uphold bans on trans athletes, Sanchez said the immediate challenge will be ensuring that families and communities continue to affirm trans youth amid legal uncertainty.

“Having the endorsement of being supported who you are, it helps you so much,” he said. “You cannot put the issue of rights back into the genie’s bottle once people experience what freedom and welcoming is.”

For Sanchez, whose life has spanned decades of change in both sports and government, the cases before the Supreme Court represent a pivotal moment — not just legally, but culturally.

“Living your life, for me, does not require bravery,” he said. “It’s just taking one step and then another.”

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