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Madre de Sergio Urrego lucha contra el bullying en Colombia

Alba Lucía Reyes Arenas se convirtió en una activista vocal

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Alba Lucía Reyes Arenas en Bogotá, Colombia, el 24 de septiembre de 2018. Su hijo, Sergio Urrego, se suicidó en 2014 después de ser víctima del bullying homofóbico por parte de la administración de su colegio en la capital colombiana. (Foto del Washington Blade por Michael K. Lavers)

BOGOTÁ, Colombia — Alba Lucía Reyes Arenas está bien orgullosa cuando habla de su hijo, Sergio Urrego.

Ella dijo al Washington Blade el 24 de septiembre durante una entrevista en la capital colombiana de Bogotá que le gustaba la opera desde era “bien joven” y leyó su primer libro, “Historias sin fin,” cuando tenía seis años. Reyes dijo que su hijo era ateo y le gustaba el arte y las políticas.

Urrego también era miembro de un grupo de estudiantes anarquistas.

“Tengo muchas cosas que contarte,” dijo Reyes. “Para todas las mamás, nuestros hijos son muy especiales, pero Sergio si es desde era una personita si se interesaba por las cosas que son eran más de su edad.”

Urrego tenía 16 años cuando se suicidó el 4 de agosto de 2014.

Administradores y un psicólogo al colegio católico de Urrego en Bogotá lo atacaron después de que un maestro vio una foto de él besando a su novio en su móvil.

Los padres del novio de Urrego le acusaron de abusar sexualmente a su hijo. Urrego debía haber comenzado a asistir otro colegio el día después de su suicidio.

La muerte del hijo ‘fue algo angustiaste’

Reyes estaba en la ciudad colombiana de Cali cuando supo por primera vez que algo andaba mal con su hijo.

Ella regresó a Bogotá y llegó a su hogar alrededor de las 9:30 p.m. Reyes dijo entre lágrimas que la primera cosa que encontró era una nota con “letra muy grande” de su hijo.

Reyes dijo que al principio pensó que se lo había dejado a su madre, pero fue por ella. Reyes dijo al Blade que su hijo escribió, “Yo no podía ir al colegio porque se me presento un problema.”

“Cuando yo vi esta nota, yo dije algo pasó,” ella dijo.

Reyes dijo que luego fue al dormitorio de su hijo y encontró libros en su cama y una nota que le pedía que se los diera a sus mejores amigos. Reyes también encontró otras notas que su hijo había escrito antes de su suicidio.

“Fue algo angustiaste,” ella dijo. “Fue doloroso.”

Ley colombiana ahora prohíbe discriminación homofóbica en escuelas

La muerte de Urrego provocó indignación entre los activistas LGBTI en Colombia.

Reyes el 11 de septiembre de 2014 presentó una tutela contra del colegio de Urrego.

Un tribunal en Bogotá, unas semanas después, falló que Urrego había sido víctima de discriminación, pero Reyes no recibió ningún daño y el fallo no ordenó al Ministerio de Educación de Colombia que revisará las políticas del colegio.

Reyes apeló el fallo ante el Consejo de Estado, que considera las apelaciones de los tribunales administrativos. El entonces Procurador Alejandro Ordóñez — un oponente vocal de los derechos LGBTI que el presidente Iván Duque el pasado mes nombró como el nuevo embajador colombiana ante la Organización de Estados Unidos — falló en contra de Reyes basándose en que las escuelas tenían el derecho de prohibir “los besos y los abrazos.”

La rectora del colegio, Amanda Azucena Castillo, renunció el 10 de octubre de 2014. La Corte Constitucional de Colombia el 21 de agosto de 2015 revocó la decisión del Consejo de Estado y falló a favor de Reyes el 11 de diciembre de 2015.

Escuelas en Colombia no pueden discriminar en contra de sus estudiantes por razón de su orientación sexual. Una enmienda a la ley de no discriminación que incluye el nombre de Urrego también requiere que las escuelas colombianas actualicen sus políticas para garantizar que no sean discriminatorias contra la comunidad LGBTI.

‘Siempre me acompaña’

Reyes desde la muerte de su hijo se ha convertido en una activista vocal contra el bullying.

Ella estaba entre los 31 activistas LGBTI desde todo el mundo que asistió una cumbre del Human Rights Campaign que se realizó en Washington en abril.

Reyes en mayo viajó a Cuba para participar en eventos del Día Internacional contra la Homofobia, la Transfobia y la Bifobia que fueron organizados por el Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual (CENESEX). Mariela Castro, la directora del CENESEX que es la hija del expresidente cubano Raúl Castro, invitó a Reyes de participar en un taller a la sede del CENESEX en La Habana.

Reyes este año lanzó oficialmente la Fundación Sergio Urrego, que busca poner el fin a la discriminación en las escuelas colombianas y evitar el suicidio entre ellos que sufren la discriminación.

El dijo al Blade que el suicidio es la segunda causa de muerte en “nuestros jóvenes.” Reyes también notó estadísticas que indican 192 personas entre las edades de 15 y 24 en Bogotá se suicidaron este año.

“Es algo que aquí no se toca,” ella dijo. “No hay una institución que se brindando atención inmediatamente a los niños que están en crisis.”

La fundación ha respondido a casi 70 casos. También tiene talleres para niños y padres en empresas y en otros lugares por el país.

“Mi propósito es evitar que casos como los de Sergio de se sucede,” dijo Reyes.

Reyes en julio habló a un concierto en la Plaza Bolívar de Bogotá durante las celebraciones del Orgullo de la ciudad. Se terminó el 25 de septiembre una campaña de los medios sociales de la fundación con el hashtag “Celebro soy yo” que buscaba dar recursos y seguridad para aquellos que sufren discriminación.

“Esa campaña me da fuerza para continuar, para seguir,” dijo Reyes. “Ese tipo de campaña se ayudan. Ese tipo de campaña llegan al corazón de la gente.”

Alba Reyes participa en una marcha del Orgullo en Bogotá, Colombia, el 1 de julio de 2018. (Foto cortesía de Fundación Sergio Urrego.)

Reyes terminó la entrevista por decir que su hijo sería orgulloso de ella y del trabajo que hace en su nombre.

“Sea un angelito,” ella dijo. “Siempre me acompaña.”

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Cuba

When impunity meets history

Raúl Castro indicted for alleged role in shooting down Brothers to the Rescue aircraft

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Former Cuban President Raúl Castro (Photo by Golden Brown/Bigstock)

The scene would have seemed impossible only a few years ago.

The name of Raúl Castro Ruz appearing formally inside a United States federal criminal indictment. Cuba’s former general of the Army, for decades one of the most powerful figures inside the Havana regime, accused in connection with the shootdown of the Brothers to the Rescue aircraft and the deaths of American citizens in 1996. And all of it unfolding in Miami, inside the Freedom Tower, on May 20.

That detail matters.

Because this indictment arrives at one of the most fragile and politically tense moments in recent relations between Washington and Havana. It comes as Cuba faces deep economic collapse, growing political exhaustion, mass migration, blackouts, and increasing public frustration both inside and outside the island. It also arrives on a date carrying enormous symbolic weight for Cuban exiles — the anniversary of the founding of the Cuban Republic in 1902.

But the true significance of this moment goes far beyond symbolism.

What happened in Miami represents something much larger: the collapse of the idea that certain men would never face accountability.

For decades, Raúl Castro embodied the permanence of revolutionary power in Cuba. Defense minister. Military strategist. The man who oversaw the armed forces for generations. One of the central architects of the Cuban political and security apparatus built alongside Fidel Castro. A figure many believed would leave this world untouched by any court, shielded forever by power, time, and history itself.

Today the image is very different.

Today his name appears inside the language of American criminal prosecution.

And that changes the historical dimension of this case completely.

Because this is no longer simply a political accusation voiced by the Cuban exile community. It is now a formal federal criminal indictment publicly announced by the United States government against one of the highest-ranking figures in the history of the Cuban regime.

The setting itself carried enormous meaning.

The Freedom Tower is not just another building in Miami. For generations of Cuban exiles it represents memory, displacement, survival, and the beginning of a new life after fleeing Cuba. Thousands of Cubans passed through those doors after escaping the revolution. Families arrived carrying fear, uncertainty, grief, and hope all at once. Announcing these charges from that location transformed the moment into something far deeper than a legal proceeding.

And the people witnessing it were not only members of the exile community.

Among those present were relatives of the young men killed nearly 30 years ago. Families who spent decades waiting to hear words they feared might never come. Families who carried the weight of loss while believing the men responsible would never be formally accused by any court.

That emotional weight still surrounds this case.

On Feb. 24, 1996, two civilian aircraft operated by Brothers to the Rescue were shot down over the Florida Straits by Cuban military jets. Armando Alejandre Jr., Carlos Costa, Mario de la Peña, and Pablo Morales were killed. The flights were connected to humanitarian rescue efforts searching for Cubans attempting to flee the island during the migration crisis of the 1990s.

Those aircraft were not military bombers.

They were not attacking Cuba.

They were civilian planes associated with rescue operations involving Cubans risking their lives at sea.

That reality has always shaped how this tragedy lives inside the memory of the Cuban exile community.

For many, this was never viewed simply as a geopolitical conflict between hostile governments. It was seen as the use of military force against civilians connected to humanitarian missions during one of the darkest chapters in modern Cuban migration history.

But for many Cubans, the indictment reaches far beyond the Brothers to the Rescue case itself.

It touches decades of unresolved pain tied to one of the central figures behind Cuba’s military and political system.

It reaches mothers who buried sons lost in compulsory military service or in distant wars they never chose to fight. Families who spent years believing promises that were never fulfilled. Political prisoners who disappeared into silence. Relatives who watched loved ones die trying to flee the island.

And for many LGBTQ Cubans, the moment carries another layer of historical weight.

Long before official campaigns promoting tolerance and inclusion emerged from within the Cuban government, there were years of persecution, fear, forced silence, and humiliation carried out under the revolutionary system itself.

The UMAP labor camps remain one of the deepest scars in modern Cuban history. Gay men, pastors, religious believers, artists, and others considered incompatible with the revolutionary ideal were sent away under the language of “re-education” and forced labor.

In recent decades, public gestures toward LGBTQ inclusion promoted by figures close to the Cuban leadership attempted to project an image of progress and openness to the international community. But for many survivors, and for many Cuban LGBTQ people, those gestures never erased the trauma or the historical responsibility tied to the same structures of power that once persecuted them.

For many, acknowledgment without accountability still feels painfully incomplete.

That is why this indictment resonates so deeply today.

Because it arrives while Cuba once again faces profound national crisis. The island is losing entire generations through migration. Public frustration continues to grow. Economic collapse shapes daily life. And the revolutionary narrative that once projected permanence and control appears increasingly eroded by reality itself.

Against that backdrop, the image emerging from Miami becomes even more striking.

A man once viewed as untouchable by history now formally accused by the United States government and legally transformed into a fugitive wanted by American justice.

History moves slowly until suddenly it does not.

And for many Cubans, both on the island and throughout the diaspora, what happened today inside the Freedom Tower felt like witnessing something they once believed they would never live long enough to see.

As a Cuban, as an immigrant, and as someone who has lived close to that pain, one thought keeps returning tonight:

Justice takes time.

But when it finally arrives, it arrives with history behind it.

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Comings & Goings

Delaware governor honors Peter Schott

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Peter Schott

The Comings & Goings column is about sharing the professional successes of our community. We want to recognize those landing new jobs, new clients for their business, joining boards of organizations and other achievements. Please share your successes with us at [email protected]

Congratulations to Peter Schott on being honored by Delaware Gov. Matt Meyer on National Honor our LGBTQ Elders Day.

Schott is a prominent LGBTQ advocate and seasoned political strategist who has spent decades advancing civil rights at the national and state levels. Following a distinguished 25-year career as a staff assistant in the U.S. House of Representatives, Schott leveraged his extensive legislative expertise to help organize the National Stonewall Democrats, serving as an influential member of its national board. 

After moving to Delaware in 2002, he became a foundational figure in the state’s LGBTQ political landscape, co-founding the Delaware Stonewall PAC, (now Stonewall Delaware) to champion the election of pro-equality candidates. His strategic lobbying and community organizing were instrumental in the successful passage of Delaware’s landmark non-discrimination, civil union, and marriage equality laws. A former member of the State Human Relations Commission, he remains a vital voice for the LGBTQ community in the Mid-Atlantic, continuing to document and drive social progress through his activism and writing. Schott currently serves as vice chair of the Delaware Democratic Pride Caucus, and a board member of Speak Out Against Hate (SOAH). He was a delegate to two Democratic National Conventions.

He earned a bachelor’s degree in Political Science, New York University; and a master’s of Public Administration degree from American University.

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Congress

Eight Democrats break with party as House advances ‘Don’t Say Trans’ bill

Measure not expected to pass in Senate

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(Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

The U.S. House of Representatives passed a federal “Don’t Say Trans” bill on Wednesday, attempting to force teachers to out transgender students nationwide.

The bill, House Resolution 2616, also called the “Stopping Indoctrination and Protecting Kids Act,” would require schools to get parental consent before allowing students to use their preferred, rather than originally assigned, gender markers, pronouns, or preferred name on any school form, and to use any sex-based accommodations, including locker rooms or bathrooms.

The bill amends Section 8526 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, legislation that allows for federal aid to help elementary and secondary education programs — particularly those under its lowest-income Title I-A program — to stop allocating funds to any education that teaches concepts “related to gender ideology.”

This is directly related to Executive Order 14168, also known as the “Defending Women From Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government” order, one of President Donald Trump’s first executive orders of his second term. It requires the federal government to recognize only sex assigned at birth and dismiss gender identity rather than sex.

The bill was sponsored by U.S. Rep. Tim Walberg (R-Mich.) and passed by a 217-198 margin. The vote fell mostly along party lines; however, eight Democrats voted for its passage. They were U.S. Reps. Henry Cuellar (D-Texas), Donald Davis (D-N.C.), Cleo Fields (D-La.), Laura Gillen (D-N.Y.), Vicente Gonzalez (D-Texas), Marcy Kaptur (D-Ohio), Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (D-Wash.), and Eugene Vindman (D-Va.).

Proponents of the bill argue a child’s gender identity should be directed by parents at home rather than in public schools.

Critics say this is dangerous and will force students to be outed by their teachers to parents — some of whom may not be supportive of their gender identity — which could lead to violence or possibly conversion therapy.

California Congressman Mark Takano, chair of the Congressional Equality Caucus, spoke on the House floor while the bill was being debated. 

“Republicans claim to be the party of small government, but they have no problem bringing the full force of the federal government down against children. The GOP thinks they can legislate transgender people out of existence with this inhumane Don’t Say Trans bill, but all they’re doing is making life worse for a small minority of already-vulnerable children,” Takano said. “I spent 24 years as an educator where I worked with hundreds of high school students and their parents. Most children go to their parents when they need help or are struggling — including transgender children — but not all parents are accepting. The forced outing provision of this bill puts teachers in an impossible situation by requiring them to out trans kids to their parents in certain situations — even if the teacher knows the student will likely face physical abuse. Students like these are who Republicans want to put in immediate physical danger with this bill.”

The Washington Blade talked to Tyler Heck, founder and executive director of the trans advocacy organization and Christopher Street Project PAC, following the bill’s passage.

“Most queer kids go to their families when they are figuring out who they are, and then not all queer kids have that option,” Heck told the Blade. “If this became law, it would harm those already vulnerable kids who rely on school as a safe place and might not have a safe place at home.”

They explained this is not about protecting parents’ rights to know what is going on with their children, but rather the weaponization of trans identity that has become a mainstream Republican ideal pushed by the Trump-Vance administration.

“Young people deserve the space to figure out who they are without the federal government interfering in their lives,” they said. “It is beyond the pale, or rather it should be beyond the pale, and has become a norm for Republicans in Congress to villainize kids, because I mean, this bill targets kids, it’s in the name of the bill, and it’s in the implications.”

Heck continued, saying that amid the rising cost of everyday necessities — from gas to groceries — and while the Trump-Vance administration continues to defund programs intended to help the most vulnerable Americans while creating slush funds for political allies, this is not what Congress should be focusing on.

“At a time when people are really struggling, and politicians need to be focused on lowering costs, they’re using queer and trans kids as political pawns,” Heck said. “They want to divide and conquer this country, and we need to stand up against them and unite behind values of inclusion and of trust in our teachers.”

David Stacy, the Human Rights Campaign’s vice president of government affairs, provided a statement to the Blade.

“Trans kids are not a political agenda — they are students who deserve safety and affirmation at school like anyone else,” Stacy said. “Despite the many pressing issues facing our nation, House Republicans continue their bizarre obsession with trans people. HR 2616 does not protect children. It targets them. This bill is cruel, and we’ll continue to fight to ensure it never becomes law.”

The bill will move to the U.S. Senate in the coming days and weeks, but it must first be reviewed by a Senate committee before leadership schedules it for a floor vote, where it will need 60 votes to pass.

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