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Expert warns Trump’s drastic cuts to HHS will have far-reaching consequences

HRC’s HIV and LGBTQ health policy advocate shared his concerns with the Blade

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HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Ten years ago, as the opioid epidemic ripped through communities across the United States, the recreational use of oxymorphone with contaminated needles led to an explosion of new HIV infections in southern Indiana’s Scott County.

In places like Austin, a city with about 4,000 residents, the rate of diagnoses quickly ballooned to levels seen in some of the hardest-hit nations of sub-Saharan Africa, more than 50 times higher than the national average.

Thankfully, by 2020, NPR reported that the area was rebounding from what was the most devastating drug-fueled HIV epidemic that rural America had ever experienced, with three-quarters of patients managing the disease so well with antiretroviral therapies that their viral loads were undetectable.

Five years after officials called a public health emergency over the outbreak in Scott County, Austin had opened new addiction treatment centers, support groups, and syringe exchanges. 

Initially, Indiana’s response was sluggish. The state’s governor at the time, Mike Pence, opposed clean needle exchanges for 29 days before ultimately signing an executive order allowing for a state-supervised program. 

The administration in which he would go on to serve as vice president, however, launched an ambitious initiative designed around the objective of ending the HIV epidemic in the U.S. by the end of the decade, using proven public health strategies including syringe exchanges. 

NPR further noted “the administration’s HIV goals were championed” by Pence along with Trump’s U.S. Surgeon General, Jerome Adamsthe, who was Indiana’s health commissioner during the outbreak in Austin. 

Still, the news service warned, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention determined that 220 U.S. counties were vulnerable to outbreaks of HIV and other blood borne infectious diseases like hepatitis C. 

“When you have these outbreaks, they affect other states and counties. It’s a domino effect,” Dr. Rupa Patel, an HIV prevention researcher at Washington University in St. Louis, told NPR. “We have to learn from them. Once you fall behind, you can’t catch up.”

Trump’s approach to public health, including efforts to prevent, detect, mitigate, and treat  outbreaks of infectious diseases, looks radically different in his second term.   

‘I don’t know why they hate public health so much’

The Washington Blade spoke with Matthew Rose, senior public policy advocate for the Human Rights Campaign, during a recent interview about the the administration’s dramatic cuts and mass layoffs that will totally reshape the way America’s health agencies are run under Trump’s secretary of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Robert F. Kennedy, Jr.  

“They’re dismantling all the things around” the first Trump administration’s Ending the HIV Epidemic in the U.S. effort, he said, eliminating key positions and offices within America’s health agencies that support this effort, including by tracking progress toward — or movement away from — the 2030 goalposts. 

Rose said there is no evidence to suggest the initiatives combatting HIV that were begun when Trump was in office the first time were ineffective,  either in terms of whether their long term cost-savings justified the investment of government resources to administer them or with respect to data showing measurable progress toward ending the epidemic within the decade. 

Therefore and in the absence of an alternative explanation,, Rose said he is left with the impression that the Trump-Vance administration does not care about Americans’ public health, especially when it comes to efforts focused on disfavored populations, such as programs supporting access to PrEP to reduce the risk of HIV transmission through sex. 

The outbreak in Scott County “can happen over and over again, if we don’t have CDC surveillance,” he warned. “We’re still having a fentanyl crisis in the country that we don’t seem to really want to deal with, but you end up with outbreaks that bloom and bloom very quick and very fast.” 

Rose added, “The really crazy thing is that they got rid of disease intervention and branch and response,” referring  to the CDC’s National Center for HIV, Viral Hepatitis, STD, and Tuberculosis Prevention, specifically its Division of HIV Prevention, and the various branches within that division that are responsible for different aspects of HIV prevention, care, and research. They include HIV Research, Behavioral and Clinical Surveillance, and Detection and Response. 

“These are literally the disease detectives that chase down outbreaks,” Rose added. “When there’s a syphilis outbreak in an area, when COVID came along and we had to trace COVID outbreaks, like, those folks are the folks who do this.”

If (or perhaps when) communities experience an outbreak, “We wouldn’t truly know what’s going on until probably 10 years later, when those folks’ CD4 counts finally crash to an AIDS diagnosis level,” he said, at which point “they’re very, very sick.”

“They’ll start looking like we haven’t seen people look since probably 30, 40 years ago,” Rose said, a time well before the advent of highly effective medicines that from the perspective of many patients turned HIV from a death sentence to a manageable disease.   

Additionally, “every person that we lose to follow up and care, if they don’t know their status, that’s where the majority of new diagnoses come from,” he said, noting that without the CDC’s work “bringing people back into care,” there is “no way of tracking that.” HIV positive people will continue to potentially transmit the disease to others as “their own health deteriorates at levels that it doesn’t need to deteriorate at,” Rose said, “so, we make it worse.” 

Along with the breakthroughs in drug discovery that led to the introduction of highly efficacious and well tolerated antiretrovirals, the use of PrEP by those who are HIV-negative to drastically reduce the risk that they may contract the virus through sex has put the goal of eliminating the epidemic within reach. 

“One of the things we learned from things like the PROUD study,” Rose said, referring to randomized placebo-controlled HIV trials conducted in the U.K. in  2016 “ is that if you can get to the highest impacted folks, the most vulnerable folks, for every one person you get on PrEP, you’re getting anywhere from 16 to 23 infections averted.” 

Disparities in health outcomes are likely to worsen 

Rose noted that “we’re finally starting to stabilize” the disproportionately high rate of new infections among gay and bisexual Black men who have sex with men thanks in large part to the federal government’s work by employees and divisions that were cut by Kennedy’s restructuring of HHS, initiatives like culturally competent public health messaging campaigns for vulnerable populations, addressing subjects like PrEP, other prevention methods, the importance of regular HIV/STI screenings, and the availability of treatments for HIV and other sexually transmitted infections. 

There is no way of knowing if any intervention was effective in the absence of “surveillance units” to monitor the disease’s spread through communities and track mitigation efforts, he said, adding that the gutting of these positions comes as “Latin men have actually been catching [up to] Black men in terms of new diagnoses” while rates among Black and Latina trans women remain high. 

Along with NCHHSTP’s Prevention Communication Branch, the health secretary’s near 20 percent cut to CDC staff also eliminated the center’s  Division of Behavioral & Clinical Surveillance Branch, its Capacity Development Branch, its Quantitative Sciences Branch, and its HIV Research Branch. 

As a result, Rose said “You’re going to see these populations get hit hardest again,” communities that have long suffered disproportionately from the HIV epidemic due to factors like racial or income-based disparities in access to testing and treatment. 

Broadly, the CDC is distinguished from other agencies because the Atlanta-based agency’s remit is focused to a significant extent on the population level implementation of public health interventions, endeavoring to change health outcomes, he explained. With respect to PrEP, for example, once the drug was shown safe and effective in clinical research and the evidence supported its use as a critical tool in the federal government’s effort to stop the epidemic, the CDC is responsible for work like making sure at-risk populations who are disinclined to use condoms can stick with (or are sticking with) the medication regimen.  

The administration’s cuts encompass programs on the research side as well as the implementation side, Rose said. For example, he pointed to the “decimation” of divisions within the National Institutes of Health’s National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, which conducts studies on HIV interventions from the preclinical basic science stage to double blind clinical trials such as those that led to the introduction of injectable PrEP, which can be administered once every other month after the first two doses. 

In fact, Rose said he worked alongside Dr. Jeanne Marrazzo, who succeeded Dr. Anthony Fauci as head of NIAID, on the Microbicide Trials Network board looking for behaviorally congruent HIV prevention products for populations that might not wish to take an oral or injectable formulation of PrEP. He added that she is a “brilliant scientist” who helped him better understand the vaginal microbiome as well as the ways in which “we fall short on women’s health and women’s sexual health, and what that means in the context of HIV prevention.” 

Together with other top officials like Dr. Jonathan (“Jono”)  Mermin, who led the NCHHSTP, on or around April 1, Marrazzo was reportedly offered the chance to either be placed on administrative leave or relocate to Indian Health Service outposts in rural American Indian or Native Alaskan communities located in states like Montana, Oklahoma, and Alaska. 

Rose stressed the risks presented by the  administration’s decision to shutter divisions within NCHHSTP that were responsible for communications, education and behavioral studies around tuberculosis, especially provided how the disease is underdiscussed as a public health issue within U.S, borders — where rates of infection are elevated in certain communities, like unhoused and incarcerated populations, where queer folks are disproportionately represented. 

The restructuring of NCHHSTP and NIAID also raises the chances of outbreaks of viral and bacterial infections spread through sex that these public health workers could have prevented or better contained, Rose said. 

Instead, “for some reason, someone thought it was a good idea to get rid of labs at the Division of STIs,” at a time when “we’ve had increases in STIs for the last, like, six years,” including rising rates of congenital syphilis, “the one that kills babies” and increased diagnoses of the disease among gay men.

Additionally, Rose noted disparities in health outcomes for people living with hepatitis C are likely to worsen by the cessation of federal government initiatives to slow the spread of the disease  — which co-infects one of every four patients with HIV and can be fatal if untreated because the virus can cause cirrhosis, cancer, failure of the liver — because direct acting antivirals that cure 95 percent of all cases are covered by most insurance plans only when the policyholder has already sustained severe liver damage. 

Broadly, “the fact that we’re like, getting rid of the labs to test people means that we’re literally choosing to go backwards, stick our heads in the sand, and hope that no one has the ability to want to say anything,” he added. 

Even populations who are less susceptible to infection with diseases like HIV stand to benefit from basic and clinical science research into the disease, Rose said. 

He pointed to such examples as the drug discovery studies targeting a vaccine for HIV that ultimately led to the identification of combinations of antivirals that were capable of curing most cases of hepatitis C, the inclusion of participants with HIV in clinical trials that led to the introduction of Ebola vaccines, and breakthroughs in the biomedical understanding of aging that were reached through research into why patients with untreated HIV age more rapidly. 

“We continuously find new scientific endeavors that are able to help the general population, but also able to help the LGBTQ population,” Rose said, as “the things that happen in the HIV space spill over to other places.”

“From the LGBTQ health perspective, and especially from the research side,” he said, “we have just, in the last decade, started to really think about what interventions those populations need — not just [with respect to] HIV, but [other health issues like] smoking, alcohol and substance use and abuse,” including “crystal meth, which is always the number two drug in most major cities.” 

Likewise, as large swaths of America’s public health infrastructure are unraveled under the direction of the president and his health secretary, the dissolution of each position or each division should not be considered in isolation given (1) the interdisciplinary nature of the work in which these individuals and entities are engaged and (2) the administration’s efforts elsewhere to restrict access to healthcare, especially for disfavored populations like trans and gender-diverse communities. 

“There’s first the attack on the research pipeline,” Rose said, such as the HIV Vaccine Trials Network’s identification of an urgent or unmet need (behaviorally congruent methods of HIV prevention for women) and its discovery of a new intervention through research and clinical trials (a ring worn inside the vagina that releases an antiretroviral drug to stop the virus from entering the body during sex). 

“Then there’s the destruction of key health interventions,” he said. For example, “STI testing is a public health intervention. It keeps people healthy, and we’re able to reduce the amount of STI floating in populations” through regular testing and monitoring of new diagnoses. “Getting rid of programs that look at and support these [efforts] is really, really bad,” Rose said. 

He noted that the administration has endeavored to restrict healthcare access along a variety of fronts, especially when it comes to transgender medicine for youth, Rose said, from working to pass regulations circumscribing the scope of the ACA’s coverage mandate to gutting the HHS Office of Civil Rights such that vulnerable populations have less recourse when they are denied access to care or experience unlawful discrimination in healthcare settings, and conditioning the government’s federal funding for providers and hospital systems on their agreement not to administer guideline directed, evidence based interventions for the treatment of gender dysphoria in youth. 

“Last year, CDC documented that we had reduced new HIV infections by 6% and by 23% and 26% in counties that were in the Ending the Epidemic jurisdictions,” Rose said.  

In the face of these challenges shortly into the president’s second term, he said, “we will stand up to a scientific rigorous process every time, because we’ve done it every time, and every time we’ve done it, the world has been better for it.”

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Federal Government

DOE investigates Smith College’s trans-inclusive policy

Mass. college accused of violating Title IX

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The Department of Education building in Washington, D.C.

The U.S. Department of Education announced on Monday that it opened an investigation into Smith College for admitting transgender women.

Smith College, a private and famously all-women’s college in Northampton, Mass., established in 1871 and opened in 1875, has a long list of women who make up its historic alumni — including first ladies, influential political figures, and cultural leaders.

The DOE released a statement about the investigation into the institution through the Department’s Office for Civil Rights, saying it was looking into the possibility that Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 was violated by allowing trans women, referred to in the statement as “biological males,” into women’s intimate spaces protected by IX.

The statement explicitly highlighted that this stems from trans women being granted “access to women-only spaces, including dormitories, bathrooms, locker rooms, and athletic teams” while also allowing their audience into the school itself.

This is the first time the Trump-Vance administration has taken a step into admissions processes, a stark jump past investigating policies that allowed trans women to participate in women’s sports and use women’s bathrooms, and allows for the administration to go more after trans acceptance policy as a whole.

Smith’s admission policy allows for “any applicants who self-identify as women,” including “cis, trans, and nonbinary women,” according to the college’s website, and has since 2015, when it updated its policy.

“The college is fully committed to its institutional values, including compliance with civil rights laws,” Smith’s statement in response to the DOE’s investigation said. “The college does not comment on pending government investigations.”

“An all-women’s college loses all meaning if it is admitting biological males,” said Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights Kimberly Richey. “Allowing biological males into spaces designed for women raises serious concerns about privacy, fairness, and compliance under federal law. The Trump administration will continue to uphold the law and fight to restore common sense.”

This move continues to align with actions the Trump-Vance administration has taken to curtail LGBTQ — and specifically trans — rights in America, as members of the administration attempt to break down safeguards and protections that have long been used to protect marginalized communities.

Since Trump took office in his second term, there have been significant legal challenges. According to the National LGBTQ+ Bar Association, there are over 35 court cases that have emerged since his second swearing-in that directly relate to the administration’s attempts to minimize the rights and protections of trans Americans — from medical care and educational protections to military policy.

Much of this anti-trans policy direction was outlined beginning in 2022 with the Project 2025 playbook, which Trump officials have used as a guide to scale back protections for LGBTQ people, Black Americans, poor and Indigenous communities, while also increasing costs for lower-income Americans and providing tax cuts to the wealthy and ultra-wealthy. The plans also “erode” Americans’ freedoms and remove crucial checks and balances that have allowed the executive branch to remain in line with the Constitution without becoming too powerful over either the courts or the legislative branch.

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Federal Government

Republicans attach five anti-LGBTQ riders to State Department funding bill

Spending package would restrict Pride flags on federal buildings, trans healthcare, LGBTQ envoys

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(Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

As Congress finalizes its funding for fiscal year 2027, Republicans are attempting to include five anti-LGBTQ riders in the National Security and Department of State Appropriations Act.

A rider is an unrelated provision tacked onto a bill that must pass — in this instance, the bill provides funding for national security policy and for the State Department.

The riders range from restricting Pride flags in federal buildings to banning transgender healthcare, but all aim to limit the visibility and rights of LGBTQ Americans.

The five riders are:

Section 7067(a) prohibits Pride flags from being flown over federal buildings.

Section 7067(c) restricts the United States’ ability to appoint special envoys, representatives, or coordinators unless expressly authorized by Congress. These roles have historically been used to promote U.S. interests in international forums — including advancing human and LGBTQ and intersex rights and other policy priorities. The change would halt what the Congressional Equality Caucus describes as providing “critical expertise to U.S. foreign policy and leadership abroad.”

Section 7067(d) reinforces multiple anti-equality executive orders signed by President Donald Trump, effectively requiring that foreign assistance funded by the United States comply with those orders. This includes rescinding federal contractor nondiscrimination protections, including for LGBTQ people.

Section 7067(e) prohibits funding for any organization that provides or promotes medically necessary healthcare for trans people or “promotes transgenderism” — effectively banning funds for organizations that recognize trans people exist. This is despite the practice of gender-affirming care being supported by nearly every major medical association.

Section 7067(g) reinforces two global gag rules put forward by the Trump-Vance administration. One is the Trans Global Gag Rule, which prohibits foreign assistance funding for organizations that acknowledge the existence of trans people or advocate for nondiscrimination protections for them, among other activities. The second is the DEI Global Gag Rule, which prohibits foreign assistance funding for organizations that engage in efforts to address the ongoing effects of racism, sexism, and other forms of bigotry outside the United States.

The global gag rule has its roots in anti-abortion policy introduced by President Ronald Reagan in 1984, when the 40th president barred foreign organizations receiving U.S. global health assistance from providing information, referrals, or services for legal abortion, or from advocating for access to abortion services in their own countries. Planned Parenthood notes that the policy also affects programs beyond abortion, including efforts to expand access to contraception, prevent and treat HIV/AIDS, combat malaria, and improve maternal and child health.

If organizations funded by the State Department engage in these activities, they could lose funding.

This anti-LGBTQ push aligns with broader actions from the Trump-Vance administration since the start of Trump’s second term, which have focused on restricting human rights — particularly those of trans Americans.

The House Appropriations Committee is responsible for drafting the appropriations legislation. U.S. Rep. Tom Cole (R-Okla.) serves as chair, with U.S. Rep. Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.) as ranking member. The committee includes 34 Republicans and 27 Democrats.

For FY27 appropriations, Congress is supposed to pass and have the president sign the funding bills by Sept. 30, 2026.

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House Republicans push nationwide ‘Don’t Say Gay’ bill

Measures would restrict federal funding for LGBTQ-affirming schools

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(Washington Blade photo by Michael Key)

Republicans have been gaining ground in reshaping education policy to be less inclusive toward LGBTQ students at the state level, and now they are turning their focus to Capitol Hill.

Some GOP lawmakers are pushing for a nationwide “Don’t Say Gay” and “Don’t say Trans” bill, doubling down on their commitment to being the party of “traditional family values” by excluding anyone who does not identify with their sex at birth.

The largest anti-LGBTQ education legislation to reach the House chamber is Bill 2616 — the Parental Rights Over the Education and Care of Their Kids Act, or the PROTECT Kids Act. The PROTECT Kids Act, proposed by U.S. Rep. Tim Walberg (R-Mich.), and co-sponsored by U.S. Reps. Burgess Owens (R-Utah), Mary Miller (R-Ill.), Robert Onder (R-Mo.), and Kevin Kiley (R-Calif.), would require any public elementary and middle schools that receive federal funding to require parental consent to change a child’s gender expression in school.

The bill, which was discussed during Tuesday’s House Rules Committee hearing, would specifically require any schools that get federal money from the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 — which was created to minimize financial discrepancies in education for low-income students — to get parental approval before identifying any child’s gender identity as anything other than what was provided to the school initially. This includes getting approval before allowing children to use their preferred locker room or bathroom.

It reads that any school receiving this funding “shall obtain parental consent before changing a covered student’s (1) gender markers, pronouns, or preferred name on any school form; or (2) sex-based accommodations, including locker rooms or bathrooms.”

LGBTQ rights advocates have criticized both national and state efforts to require parental permission for a child to use their preferred gender identity, arguing it raises serious at-home safety concerns — especially in non-LGBTQ-affirming households — and could lead to the outing of transgender or gender-curious students.

The bill has since been combined with another measure, H.R.2617 – Say No to Indoctrination Act which would prohibit the use of federal funding to “advance concepts related to gender ideology,” using the definition outlined in President Donald Trump’s 2025 Executive Order 14168. This would codify that definition of sex into law, rather than leaving it solely as an executive order. A companion measure with the same text is also making its way through the Senate as Senate Bill 2251.

Advocates have also criticized this follow-up legislation, as it would restrict school staff — including teachers and counselors — from acknowledging trans students’ identities or providing any support. They have said that this kind of isolation can worsen mental health outcomes for LGBTQ youth and allows for education to be politicized rather than being based in reality.

David Stacy, the Human Rights Campaign’s vice president of government affairs, called this legislation out for using LGBTQ children as political pawns in an ideology fight — one that could greatly harm the safety of these children if passed.

“Trans kids are not a political agenda — they are students who deserve safety and affirmation at school like anyone else,” Stacy said in a statement. “Despite the many pressing issues facing our nation, House Republicans continue their bizarre obsession with trans people. H.R. 2616 does not protect children. It targets them. This bill is cruel, and we’re prepared to fight it.”

This is similar to Florida House Bills 1557 and 1069, referred to as the “Don’t Say Gay” bill and “Don’t Say They” bill, respectively, restricting classroom discussions on sexual orientation and gender identity, prohibiting the use of pronouns consistent with one’s gender identity, expanding book banning procedures, and censoring health curriculum.

The American Civil Liberties Union is tracking 233 bills related to restricting student and educator rights in the U.S.

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